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LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Class 


portrait  Me  of  Lincoln 


Bortratt  Htf  e  of  Lincoln 


Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Greatest  American,  told  from  Orim- 

o 

nal  Photographs  taken  with  His  Authority  during  the  Great 
Crisis  through  which  He  Led  His  Country — Treasured 
among  the  7000  Secret  Service  War  Negatives  in 
the    Brady-Gardner    Collection   at   Spring 
field,    Massachusetts,    and   in    Private 
Collections,  valued  at  $150,000 

Collected  by 
Edward  Bailey  Eaton 


Founder  and  Editor-in-Chief  of  "  The  Journal  of  American  History  " 

Author  of  "  The  Photographic  History  of  the  Civil  War  " 

Author  of  "American  Hero  Tales" — Editor  of  the  Search-Light  Library 

Member  of  The  American  Historical  Association 

Fellow  of  The  American  Geographical  Society 
Member  of  The  American  Statistical  Association 

Member  of  The  National  Geographic  Society 
Member  of  The  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science 


Anno     Domini  SPRINGFIELD,  MASSACHUSETTS  M  c  m  x 

TOfje  patriot  ^Publtsrtntts  Company 

NEW  YORK,  439  Lafayette  Street  Marquette  Building,  CHICAGO 

Trade  Supplied  by  The  Orange  Judd  Company  of  New  York 


.18 


Copyright,  1910,  by 

PATRIOT  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 
Springfield,   Massachusetts 


Press  of  the 
Springfield  Printing  and  Binding  Company 


OREWORD 

is  with  pleasure  that  this  volume  is  presented  to  the  American 
people  as  a  direct  and  original  contribution  to  our  national  litera- 
ture.     As   a  collection  of   the  famous  portraits  of   Lincoln,   taken 
from  the  greatest  collections  in  the  world  and  valued  at  more  than 
$150,000,  it  alone  would  claim  distinction.     This  is  the  first  collec 
tion  of  all  the  known  original  photographs  of  Lincoln  and  represents  years 
of  research  by  the  most  eminent  American  collectors. 

It  is,  however,  upon  its  graphic  literary  treatment  that  this  volume 
must  take  its  position  as  one  of  the  most  important  books  of  the  times.  It 
is  a  book  with  a  mission — and  that  mission  is  to  revive  in  the  homes  of 
America  the  true  spirit  of  Lincoln  ;  that  man  of  rugged  honesty  who  said 
that  "  God  must  have  loved  the  common  people  or  he  would  not  have  made 
so  many  of  them;"  the  man  who  "knew  what  it  meant  to  start  at  the 
bottom  and  work  to  the  top ; "  the  man  who  "  met  misfortune  face  to  face 
and  overcame  it  with  the  might  of  manhood."  Its  psychological  insight 
into  human  nature;  its  philosophical  grasp  on  life  and  its  opportunities; 
its  appeal  to  the  American  heart  and  conscience,  with  its  vigorous  applica 
tion  of  the  principles  of  Lincoln  to  everyday  life,  inspire  one  with  new 
courage  and  new  ambition. 

Lincoln  lives  again  in  the  pages  of  this  volume,  through  the  portraits 
and  the  word  paintings  that  are  masterpieces  of  literary  art.  It  has  been 
the  desire  of  the  publishers  to  make  it  a  new  American  classic  in  which  the 
generations  may  look  upon  Lincoln  in  the  most  dramatic  situations  in  his 
life,  feeling  the  impulse  of  a  great  heart  and  the  inspiration  of  an  indomit 
able  will  and  resolute  purpose. 

More  books  have  been  written  about  Lincoln  than  any  other  man  in 
the  world's  history,  but  this  is  the  first  time  that  he  has  been  brought  before 
the  people  in  the  actual  negatives  for  which  he  sat  during  his  life  and  in  text 
pictures  in  which  he  again  moves  among  us.  It  has  been  the  purpose  of 
the  publishers  to  present,  in  the  fewest  possible  pages,  a  full  acquaintance 
with  Lincoln  and  an  understanding  of  what  such  a  man  means  to  the  world 
of  humanity.  It  has  further  been  desired  to  make  this  a  complete  unfold 
ing  of  the  vital  events  in  his  life.  This  has  been  accomplished  by  an 
interesting  chronology  in  which  the  whole  panorama  of  the  growth  of  the 
nation,  during  the  life  of  Lincoln,  is  presented.  The  volume  further 
includes  the  nine  great  speeches  upon  which  Lincoln  rose  to  the  highest 
political  honor  within  the  gift  of  the  American  people.  These,  with  a  record 
of  the  celebrated  Lincoln  Collections  in  America,  and  the  hundred  greatest 
books  on  Lincoln,  fulfill  its  title  as  the  "Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln,"  and  give 
it  immediate  position  as  the  first  authoritative  handbook  on  Lincoln. 

THE  PUBLISHERS 

226733 


G       O       N       T       E       N 


PART  I 

An  Epigrammatic  Philosophy  on  Life  and  Its  Opportunities  Drawn  from 
the    Early  Experiences  of  Abraham  Lincoln 

THE  ROAD  TO  GREATNESS 3 

THE  FULLNESS  OF  LIFE  AND  OPPORTUNITY — BIRTH 4 

THE  JOYS  AND  SORROWS  OF  LIVING — CHILDHOOD 5 

THE  UNFOLDING  OF  KNOWLEDGE — SCHOOL  DAYS 6 

THE  REVELATION  OF  LIFE'S  SECRETS — BOYHOOD 7 

THE  THRILL  OF  AMBITION — YOUTH 8 

THE  DISCOVERY  OF  POWER — CITIZENSHIP 9 

THE  COURAGE  OF  CONVICTION — MANHOOD.  .  10 


PART  II 

A  Photographic  Narrative  Which  Interprets  the  Character  and  Life  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Greatest  American 

THE  FOUNDATION  OF  LINCOLN'S  CHARACTER 12 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  LOVE  ON  LINCOLN'S  LIFE 14 

THE  POLITICAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  LINCOLN 16 

THE  IMPULSE  THAT  HELD  LINCOLN  STEADFAST 18 

THE  RUGGED  HONESTY  OF  LINCOLN'S  HEART 20 

THE  MAN  WHO  FIRST  MADE  LINCOLN  KNOWN 22 

THE  CHALLENGE  THAT  TESTED  LINCOLN'S  STRENGTH 24 

THE  DEFEAT  THAT  MADE  LINCOLN  FAMOUS 26 

THE  APPEAL  OF  HUMANITY  THAT  LINCOLN  HEARD 28 

THE  FIRST  TEST  OF  LINCOLN'S  NATIONAL  GREATNESS 30 

THE  INSPIRATION  OF  LINCOLN'S  PATRIOTISM 32 

THE  GATHERING  OF  HUMANITY  UNDER  LINCOLN 34 

THE  BURDEN  OF  A  NATION  ON  LINCOLN'S  HEART 36 

THE  AFFECTION  OF  LINCOLN  FOR  His  HOME 38 

THE  WILLINGNESS  OF  LINCOLN  TO  GIVE  His  LIFE 42 

THE  FORTITUDE  OF  LINCOLN  IN  HOUR  OF  TRIAL 44 

THE  CRUMBLING  NATION  IN  LINCOLN'S  ARMS 46 

THE  DETERMINED  WILL  OF  LINCOLN  AMONG  MEN 48 

THE  TRUE  TEST  OF  LINCOLN'S  STATESMANSHIP 50 

THE  STRENGTH  OF  LINCOLN  IN  A  NATION'S  PERIL 52 

THE  FAITH  OF  LINCOLN  IN  THE  COMMON  PEOPLE  .  .  ; 54 

THE  ABILITY  OF  LINCOLN  TO  OVERCOME  DEFEAT.  .' 56 

THE  HOPEFULNESS  OF  LINCOLN  IN  MISFORTUNE 58 

THE  MIGHT  OF  LINCOLN  IN  His  COUNTRY'S  CRISIS 64 

THE  HAND  OF  LINCOLN  ON  THE  CHAIN  OF  BONDAGE 66 

THE  GREATEST  SACRIFICE  OF  LINCOLN'S  LIFE 68 

THE  POWER  OF  LINCOLN  TO  CONQUER  HIMSELF ...  70 

THE  HUMILITY  OF  LINCOLN  IN  HOUR  OF  VICTORY ...  72 

THE  SYMPATHY  OF  LINCOLN  FOR  THE  UNFORTUNATE 76 

THE  WORTH  OF  A  MAN  IN  LINCOLN'S  JUDGMENT 78 


G       O       N       T       E       N 


THE  LOYALTY  OF  LINCOLN  TO  His  LIFE  WORK 80 

THE  INSIGHT  OF  LINCOLN  INTO  HUMAN  NATURE 84 

THE  HEART  OF  LINCOLN  THAT  KNEW  No  MALICE 86 

THE  FATHERHOOD  OF  LINCOLN  AMONG  THE  LOWLY 88 

THE  MAGNANIMITY  OF  THE  SPIRIT  OF  LINCOLN 90 

THE  VICTORY  OF  LINCOLN — A  RE-UNITED  PEOPLE 92 

THE  VEIL  OF  SORROW  OVER  AN  EXULTANT  NATION 94 


PART  III 

A  Revelation  of  the  Last  Scenes  in  the  Closing  Hours  of  Lincoln  from 
Actual  Photographs  Taken  at  the  Time 

THE  LAST  LINGERING  MOMENTS  OF  A  NOBLE  LIFE 96 

THE  MAGNIFICENCE  OF  LIFE'S  LAST  TRIUMPH 98 

THE  INFAMY  OF  A  DEED  THAT  ROBBED  A  NATION 100 

THE  GLORY  OF  A  MAN  WHO  LOVES  His  FELLOWMEN 106 


PART  IV 

The  Great  Speeches  that  Mark  the  Rise  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as 
an  Orator  and  Leader  of  the  People 

THE  FIRST  PUBLIC  SPEECH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 112 

THE  FIRST  GREAT  PATRIOTIC  SPEECH  OF  LINCOLN 113 

THE  FIRST  GREAT  NATIONAL  SPEECH  OF  LINCOLN 119 

THE  SPEECHES  IN  LINCOLN'S  POLITICAL  GREATNESS 132 

THE  SPEECH  THAT  MOLDED  A  NATION'S  FUTURE 133 

THE  GREATEST  SPEECH  IN  AMERICAN  HISTORY 139 

THE  LAST  PUBLIC  SPEECH  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 141 

THE  WORDS  OF  WISDOM  FROM  LINCOLN'S  PHILOSOPHY 144 


PART  V 

A  Chronology  of  the  Historic  Events  in  the  Growth  of  the  American 
Nation  from  the  Birth  to  the  Death  of  Lincoln 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  LIFE  OF  LINCOLN  .  .  145 


PART  VI 

A  Handbook  of  the  Famous  Photographic  Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
Treasured  in  the  Great  American  Collections 

THE  FAMOUS  PORTRAITS  OF  LINCOLN  WITH  COMPLETE  INDEX  TO  ALL  PHOTOGRAPHS 

REPRODUCED  IN  THIS  VOLUME 155 

THE  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN — THE  HUNDRED  GREATEST  BOOKS  ON  His 

LIFE 161 

THE  GREATEST  POEM  ON  LINCOLN — O  CAPTAIN!  MY  CAPTAIN! — BY  WALT  WHITMAN  .    164 


INTRODUCTORY 

S  an  American,  who  loves  his  country  and  his  people,  I  believed 
that  I  knew  Lincoln.  Throughout  my  life  I  have  read  the  anec 
dotes  and  biographies  that  make  him  familiar  to  the  generations, 
but  it  was  not  until  I  looked  upon  his  portraits  that  I  began  to 
understand  the  real  character  of  the  man.  It  was  then,  as  Bart- 
lett,  the  sculptor,  has  said,  that  I  looked  into  a  face  in  which  is  written 
the  history  of  a  nation  and  the  hopes  of  its  people — the  face  of  democracy. 
There  is  always  something  about  an  old  photograph  that  is  intensely 
human.  In  it  still  lives  one  who  has  been  long  absent;  the  expression  on 
the  face,  the  light  in  the  eyes,  the  kindness  and  the  firmness  of  the  mouth. 
One  can  almost  feel  the  heart  that  beat  beneath  it.  So  it  was  that,  in 
these  photographs,  I  found  the  living  Lincoln.  My  acquaintance  with  him 
before  had  been  only  through  the  various  estimates  of  his  character. 
I  believe  that  there  are  more  than  two  thousand  of  them,  including  many 
masterly  biographies,  in  which  one  listens  to  the  men  who  knew  him  and 
hears  reminiscences  of  his  drollery  and  wit. 

But  it  is  in  these  time-stained  photographs  that  the  man  comes  back 
to  us.  About  them  gather  all  the  events  of  his  life.  Look  at  that  familiar 
picture  of  the  old  log  cabin  where  he  was  born.  In  your  imagination  you 
can  see  the  great  forests,  and  the  sunshine  in  the  trees;  you  can  see  the 
little  creeping  figure  before  the  door;  it  is  a  baby;  it  laughs  and  cries. 
Look,  look  again;  now  it  is  a  boy;  he  runs  and  jumps  and  shouts;  he  is 
standing  at  the  opening  of  the  woods;  he  is  shielding  his  eyes  with  his 
hands  and  looking  this  way;  he  is  calling  to  us;  he  is  waving  his  arms; 
he  is  coming  down  the  forest  path,  under  the  great  trees,  nearer  and  nearer. 
Look  again — he  stands  right  before  us;  he  is  a  man! 

And  now,  taking  up  his  first  photograph,  look  into  the  youthful  face 
filled  with  hope  and  courage.  In  it  you  can  see  the  storms  that  are  gather 
ing  about  his  life.  One  by  one  these  old  portraits  unfold  the  life  story  of 
the  man  who  gave  his  personality  to  them — they  are  all  that  remain  of  the 
physical  Lincoln. 

Sit  down  with  me  and  turn  these  pages  in  reverie.  In  your  mind's 
eye  you  can  see  the  gaunt  figure  in  the  law  office;  you  sit  with  him  as  he 
pores  over  his  books  during  that  long,  weary  period  of  a  lawyer's  life- 
waiting  for  clients;  you  fight  with  him  as  a  captain  in  the  Black  Hawk 
War;  you  take  your  letters  to  him  as  the  village  postmaster;  you  cast  your 
ballot  for  him  as  a  member  of  the  state  legislature;  you  see  him  take  his 
first  stand  against  slavery.  'Now  you  are  listening  to  his  convincing  oratory 
against  the  great  Douglas  for  the  senate;  those  ringing  words  are  dropping 
from  his  lips:  "You  can  fool  all  of  the  people  some  of  the  time,  and  some 
of  the  people  all  of  the  time,  but  you  cannot  fool  all  of  the  people  all  of 
the  time." 

In  this  reverie  over  these  old  portraits  you  can  hear  the  cheering;  he 


INTRODUCTORY 


is  being  nominated  for  the  presidency.  You  are  standing  beside  him  as 
he  receives  the  news  that  he  has  been  elected  to  the  highest  political  honor 
in  the  gift  of  mankind — the  leadership  of  the  American  people;  you  listen 
to  his  farewell  speech  to  his  friends  at  Springfield;  you  go  with  him  to 
Washington  and  sit  with  him  in  the  White  House;  you  hear  the  news  of 
the  first  shot  at  Fort  Sumter;  you  hear  the  clank  of  the  cavalry  and  the 
tramp  of  regiments  of  marching  men  offering  their  lives  on  the  altar  of 
civilization;  you  sit  silent  with  him  in  the  gloom  of  defeat;  you  catch  the 
gleam  of  light  in  the  din  of  victory;  you  gaze  bewildered  upon  him  as  he 
issues  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  Now  you  are  going  with  him  to 
Antietam,  to  Gettysburg,  to  Richmond;  you  are  standing  beside  him  as 
he  hears  the  news  of  the  surrender  at  Appomattox.  The  soldiers  are 
passing  through  the  streets  of  Washington  on  their  homeward  march,  and 
your  foot  beats  time  to  the  strains  of  the  "Star  Spangled  Banner"  and 
"Dixie." 

The  pages  are  now  nearly  turned.  The  last  portrait  is  before  you. 
A  shot  rings  in  your  ears;  a  figure  falls  prostrate  to  the  floor;  you  linger 
by  his  bedside  through  the  long  hours;  Seward  is  whispering:  "Now  he 
belongs  to  the  ages/'  You  stand  over  the  bier  and  look  upon  the  kindly 
face  that  you  have  learned  to  love;  you  heap  his  grave  with  flowers.  This 
is  the  "Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln." 

In  simple  words  I  have  endeavored  to  gather  about  these  old  por 
traits  the  scenes  in  which  the  living  Lincoln  stood  at  the  time  that  the 
photographs  were  taken.  I  have  neither  the  desire  nor  the  ability  to  make 
this  volume  a  biography  of  Lincoln  nor  a  history  of  the  times  in  which 
he  lived.  It  is  but  a  series  of  word-pictures  and  life-portraits  in  which 
you  may  look  upon  Lincoln  and  come  to  your  own  conclusion  regarding 
his  strength  of  character  and  his  greatness  as  a  man. 

It  has  seemed  to  me,  after  looking  upon  them,  that  in  this  man  we 
find  the  strongest  character  that  American  civilization  has  produced. 
I  know  no  other  man  in  American  history  who  has  been  called  upon  to 
meet  such  overwhelming  obstacles  and  who  has  overcome  thorn  with 
truer  courage,  finer  fortitude,  and  greater  self-sacrifice.  This  is  the  man 
who  led  his  people  through  the  greatest  crisis  that  the  American  Nation 
has  known.  I  believe  that  when  one  considers  that  the  United  States 
exist  today  largely  through  the  faith  and  hope  and  indomitable  will  of 
this  man,  he  may  justly  be  entitled  "The  Greatest  American." 

It  is  not  my  privilege,  however,  to  fix  the  historical  position  of  Lincoln. 
I  shall  be  satisfied  if  my  humble  service  is  but  to  bring  the  generations  into 
personal  acquaintance  with  him,  for  it  is  in  his  character  that  they  will  find 
the  whole  secret  of  the  power  of  common  manhood.  The  strength  with 
which  he  faced  the  problems  of  life  is  an  inspiration  to  all  men;  it  is  the 
hope  of  the  future;  the  convincing  proof  of  the  ability  of  the  common  man 


INTRODUCTORY 


to  rise  above  his  surroundings  and  make  his  way  in  the  world  through 
the  courage  of  his  convictions.  It  is  the  very  simplicity  of  Lincoln  as  a 
man  that  brings  him  so  close  to  us.  He  is  the  most  companionable  of  men. 
In  him  you  find  many  of  your  own  characteristics — the  common  qualities 
of  human  nature.  To  know  Lincoln  is  to  know  yourself.  He  is  the  com 
mon  heritage  of  the  American  people. 

In  these  introductory  words  I  desire  to  express  my  appreciation  to 
those  who  have  assisted  in  giving  me  a  clear  understanding  of  the  man 
whose  portraits  are  here  presented  in  photograph  and  text.  I  am  espe 
cially  indebted  to  Honorable  Robert  Todd  Lincoln,  of  Chicago,  Illinois, 
who  has  advised  me  regarding  the  sources  for  original  investigation,  and 
to  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton,  of  Hartford,  Connecticut,  who,  in  his  untiring 
historical  research,  has  collected  these  photographs  and  has  collaborated 
with  me  in  preparing  "The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln/' 

I  further  desire  to  give  credit  to  the  collectors  who  have  rendered 
assistance.  The  Frederick  H.  Meserve  Collection  of  Americana,  in  New 
York,  and  the  Fay  Collection  of  photographs  of  historic  personages,  in 
Illinois,  are  among  the  most  valuable  collections  in  America.  The  Oldroyd 
Lincoln  Memorial  Collection,  which  now  occupies  the  Jiistoric  house  in 
which  Lincoln  died,  at  Washington,  is  a  shrine  that  should  be  visited  by 
every  American.  Among  its  treasures  are  nearly  twenty  thousand  exhibits 
relating  to  the  life  of  the  great  American.  The  Lambert  Collection,  in 
Philadelphia,  is  the  work  of  one  of  the  leading  authorities  on  Lincoln- 
iana.  Many  original  negatives  are  treasured  in  the  Handy  and  the  Rice 
Collections  in  Washington. 

The  largest  collection  of  original  Civil  War  negatives  is  the  famous 
Brady-Gardner  Collection,  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  which  contains 
more  than  seven  thousand  negatives  taken  under  the  protection  of  the 
Secret  Service  during  the  American  Crisis.  The  only  other  collection  of 
its  magnitude  is  deposited  in  the  War  Department  at  Washington,  where 
it  is  held  as  official  documentary  evidence  of  this  great  epoch  in  American 
history.  In  these  collections  can  be  found  practically  everything  pertain 
ing  to  the  life  and  character  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  author  takes  pleasure  in  commending  these  collections  to  the 
American  people  and  acknowledging  the  valuable  services  extended  by  all 
who  have  co-operated  in  preparing  this  volume,  which  we  trust  may  bring 
the  generations  closer  to  the  heart  and  ideals  of  the  world's  greatest  apostle 
of  common  manhood — Abraham  Lincoln. 


FRANCIS  TREVELYAN  MILLER 


"Buena  Vista  " 
Hart/ordy  Connecticut 


Dedicated  to  the  United  States  of  America,  the  only  land 

on  earth  where  a  man  can  rise  from  a  cabin  to  the 

palace    within   the    hearts    of    a    Great    People 


The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln 


PART  I 


An  Epigrammatic  Philosophy  on  Life  and 

Its  Opportunities  drawn  from 

the  Early  Experiences  of 

Abraham  Lincoln 


The  Life-Mask  of  Abraham  Lincoln 

This  bronze  doth  keep  the  very  form  and  mold 

Of  our  great  martyr's  face.     Yes,  this  is  he; 
That  brow  all  wisdom,  all  benignity; 

That  human,  humorous  mouth;  those  cheeks  that  hold 

Like  some  harsh  landscape  all  the  summer's  gold; 
That  spirit  fit  for  sorrow,  as  the  sea 
For  storms  to  beat  on;  the  lone  agony 

Those  silent,  patient  lips  too  well  foretold. 

Yes,  this  is  he  who  ruled  a  world  of  men 

As  might  some  prophet  of  the  elder  day — 
Brooding  above  the  tempest  and  the  fray 

With  deep-eyed  thought  and  more  than  mortal  ken. 
A  power  was  his  beyond  the  touch  of  art 
Or  armed  strength — his  pure  and  mighty  heart. 

— From  poems  of  Richard  Watson  Gilder. 


THE    ROAD    TO    GREATNESS 

Philosophy  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln 


Greatest  Man  in  the  World  is  not  the  man  who  accumulates 
the  most  money  or  the  most  power;  it  is  not  the  man  who  takes 
the  most  out  of  life;  it  is  the  man  who  gives  the  most  to  life. 
The  world  is  a  great  harvest-house  of  man's  bounteous  industry. 
Death  garners  the  crops  which  he  has  sown.  His  true  riches  are  estimated, 
not  by  that  which  he  leaves  to  his  sons,  but  by  that  which  he  leaves  to  his 
fellow-men  as  a  heritage  for  the  generations  to  come. 

Life  is  a  journey  between  the  starting  point  of  Decision  and  the  far 
away  mountain  heights  of  Ambition.  The  path  is  long  and  tortuous.  It 
leads  down  through  the  dark  and  dismal  swamps  of  Indecision,  and  over  the 
rough  and  stony  hills  of  Disappointment.  There  loom  in  the  pathway  the 
jagged  cliffs  of  Discouragement  that  seem  almost  impossible  to  climb. 
Below  them  is  the  deep  abyss  of  Lost  Hope.  Thete  are  crossroads  of 
Temptation;  and  rivers  of  Sorrow  to  ford. 

It  takes  a  strong  man  to  make  the  journey;  one  who  knows  the  forests, 
who  has  been  hardened  to  the  storms;  who  knows  Nature  because  he  has 
lived  close  to  its  heart.  It  is  the  rugged  country  boy,  with  his  face  tanned 
by  the  winds,  his  muscles  strengthened  by  hard  labor,  and  his  heart  full  of 
sunshine  and  cheerfulness  as  its  own  beacon  light,  that  makes  the  most 
courageous  journeyman.  It  needs  one  whose  will  has  been  beaten  into 
steel  on  the  forge  of  life;  one  who  knows  the  sweet  peace  of  the  rest  that 
follows  fatigue  and  suffering;  one  who  has  no  fear  because  he  has  many 
times  met  danger  face  to  face  —  and  overcome  it.  He  knows  that  just 
beyond  the  gloomy  clouds  the  golden  light  of  life  still  shines;  he  knows 
the  truth  of  the  old  adage,  that  it  is  darkest  just  before  the  dawn. 

The  abyss  of  Time  holds  the  millions  that  have  been  too  weak  for 
the  journey;  those  who  wandered  in  the  glamour  of  luxury  and  ease  —  only 
to  be  lost.  Far  beyond,  on  the  pinnacles  that  pierce  the  sky,  where  the 
glorious  sun  casts  a  halo  about  them,  are  the  strong  who  have  gained  the 
heights  and  live  forever  in  the  sublime  light  of  Immortality.  Among  them 
are  many  who  were  without  worldly  possessions  and  were  counted  poor  on 
earth.  Few,  indeed,  are  there  who  were  rich  and  powerful.  Not  one  is 
among  them  who  purchased  his  way  with  tributes  of  gold  and  silver. 

Courage,  Fortitude,  Sacrifice,  Sympathy,  Love  —  these  are  the  price  of 
Immortal  Greatness;  they  lie  in  the  heart  of  man. 


THE  FULLNESS  OF  LIFE  AND  OPPORTUNITY— BIRTH 

3T  ts  with  this  measure  of  a  man  that  we  look   upon   the   American 
boy  who  journeyed  from  the  humblest  log  home,  along  the  road  of 
life,  to  an  everlasting  abiding-place  in  the  heart  of  humanity;  who 
overcame  the  greatest  obstacles  that  can  beset  man;  who  carried  on 
his  shoulders  a  burden  that  weighed  down  the  world. 

There  is  not  one  who  reads  these  lines  who  was  born  in  humbler 
circumstances  than  Abraham  Lincoln;  not  one  whose  opportunities  in  life 
are  so  limited  as  those  which  surrounded  him;  and  yet  he  became  one  of 
the  greatest  of  men.  His  life  proves  to  all  generations  the  power  of  an 
indomitable  will  and  a  resolute  purpose;  that  man,  when  he  conquers  him 
self,  can  conquer  the  world. 

Do  you  remember  that  old  homestead  where  you  were  born  ?  It  was 
a  mansion  compared  with  that  rough  log  cabin  in  the  Kentucky  wilderness 
where  Abraham  Lincoln  began  life  on  that  cold  winter  day  on  the  twelfth 
of  February,  in  1809. 

Do  you  remember  the  dear  old  village  where  you  spent  your  child 
hood  days;  its  long  country  roads,  shaded  with  towering  maples  and  elms, 
along  which  you  romped  and  shouted  and  played  on  your  way  to  school— 
those  good  old  days  in  the  country  ?  It  was  a  great  world  of  light  and 
laughter,  of  pleasure  and  friendship,  of  wonderful  opportunities,  compared 
with  that  forest  home  of  Abraham  Lincoln  where  only  the  growl  of  the 
bear  echoed  along  the  trail,  where  the  ring  of  the  ax  was  the  only  sound 
of  civilization,  and  desolation  and  poverty  were  his  only  friends — and  they 
were  staunch  friends. 

Every  American  is  rich  today  in  comparison  with  the  worldly  posses 
sions  of  Abraham  Lincoln  during  his  childhood,  his  youth,  and  his  early 
manhood — rich  in  surroundings  of  home;  rich  in  the  comforts  of  life;  rich 
in  the  opportunities  for  learning  and  education.  There  is  not  an  American 
youth  who  is  not  a  millionaire  in  the  possibilities  of  vast  success  in  life, 
compared  to  the  possibilities  that  were  within  the  grasp  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
on  the  day  that  he  left  his  father's  roof  to  go  out  into  the  great  world,  of 
which  he  knew  only  the  knowledge  that  comes  from  the  school  of  the  woods 
and  the  motherhood  of  Nature.  There  was  one  thing  that  he  did  not  know 
and  never  learned — and  that  was  Fear.  He  learned  early  that  man  is  his 
own  master;  that  with  a  strong  arm,  a  strong  heart,  and  a  strong  will,  there 
is  no  power  on  earth  that  he  need  fear;  that  with  his  conscience  clear  and  his 
mind  clean  the  future  will  take  care  of  itself  and  even  Death  is  conquered. 


THE  JOYS  AND  SORROWS  OF  LIVING—  CHILDHOOD 


^t^^^HE    safest    capital    on    which    to    begin  life  is  good  health  and 

a  sound  morals.     With  these,  permanent  failure  is  almost  impos- 

^^f    J  sible.     There  is  not  money  enough  in  the  banks  of  the  world  to 

buy  them.     In  partnership  with  Industry  and  Thrift,  they  must 

succeed.     Any  man  who  possesses  them  has  the  wealth  of  the  world  within 

his  reach.     Education,  social  position,  political  power,  financial  credit  —  all 

these,  then,  but  await  your  desire. 

This  is  the  capital  upon  which  Abraham  Lincoln  began.  His  father 
was  a  woodsman  who  could  neither  read  nor  write;  his  mother  was  an 
orphan  girl.  His  cabin  home  of  rough-hewn  logs  sheltered  but  a  single 
room;  but  here,  on  the  banks  of  Nolen  Creek,  in  desolate  Hardin  County, 
he  started  on  life's  journey. 

Do  you  remember  the  first  time  that  you  left  home  ?  How  you  bade 
good-by  to  the  old  scenes  ?  How  you  turned  and  looked  back  for  one  last 
lingering  glance  at  the  old  place  that  you  loved  —  and  then  wiped  a  tear 
away  ?  You  know,  then,  what  it  meant  to  the  seven-year-old  Lincoln  when, 
with  his  little  sister,  he  trudged  behind  his  father  and  mother  from  the 
Kentucky  wilds  into  southern  Indiana,  where,  with  an  ax,  they  cut  their 
way  through  the  dense  forests  to  start  life  anew. 

Here,  in  the  savage  wilds  of  Little  Pigeon  Creek,  they  felled  the  trees 
for  a  new  cabin.  The  bare  earth,  which  turned  to  mud  in  the  winter  thaws, 
was  its  floor.  There  were  no  windows  to  let  in  the  sunlight  and  not 
even  a  skin  to  hang  over  the  doorway  to  shut  out  the  sleet  and  snow.  The 
little  lad  fell  asleep  on  the  heap  of  loose  leaves  —  and  he  called  it  home. 

Do  you  remember  the  first  great  sorrow  that  came  into  your  life  ? 
The  loved  one  whose  lips  you  kissed  for  the  last  time  ?  Whose  eyes  were 
never  to  look  again  into  yours  ?  Whose  hand  as  you  clasped  it  in  your 
own  was  cold  and  white  ?  You  know,  then,  the  grief  that  lay  in  the  heart 
of  this  lad  as  he  knelt  sobbing  beside  his  dying  mother.  You  can  feel, 
then,  the  touch  of  her  hand  as  she  laid  it  on  his  young  head  and  whispered 
the  last  message  from  those  loving  lips:  ''Be  good  to  your  father  and 
sister.  Be  kind  to  one  another  —  and  worship  God."  Your  heart  goes 
out  to  him  as  they  lay  her  away  in  a  rough  box,  hewn  from  the  pine  forest, 
and  tenderly  lower  her  to  the  resting  place  on  the  knoll  where  the  sunlight 
pours  its  golden  wreaths  upon  her  grave.  You  know  what  was  in  his 
heart  when  in  after  years  he  bowed  his  head  and  called  her  "My  angel 
mother  " 


THE  UNFOLDING  OF  KNOWLEDGE— SCHOOL  DAYS 

IFE'S  lessons  are  not  all  learned  in  a  university.  Poverty,  toil, 
suffering — these  are  the  schools  of  discipline,  and  the  man  who 
passes  through  them  has  an  education  that  all  the  universities  of 
the  earth  could  not  give.  The  book  of  Nature  does  not  teach  the 
conjugation  of  verbs;  it  teaches  the  conjugation  of  life.  It  may  not  master 
the  tongues  of  dead  languages,  but  it  does  master  the  tongues  of  the  thou 
sand  living  languages — the  language  of  the  Heart,  of  the  Hand,  of 
Common  Sense.  It  may  not  lead  to  a  doctorate  in  science,  but  it  does 
lead  to  the  highest  degree  within  the  power  of  man — the  degree  of 
strong  character. 

The  backwoods  is  the  university  that  made  Lincoln.  Here  he  learned 
a  lesson  that  few  men  ever  learn — how  to  bear  the  burdens  of  life  without 
complaint,  and  how  to  overcome  them. 

At  ten  years  of  age,  he  was  walking  nine  miles  a  day  to  and  from  the 
little  log  schoolhouse  in  the  woods.  At  night,  he  lay  before  the  fireplace 
ciphering  on  a  wooden  shovel  and  scrawling  his  name  on  the  logs  of  the 
cabin.  A  new  world  had  been  revealed  to  him — the  world  of  knowledge. 
Within  his  humble  home  there  had  never  been  a  newspaper  or  a  story 
book,  but  now  he  had  made  the  first  great  discovery  of  his  life.  He  had 
found  that  within  the  covers  of  books  lay  the  secrets  that  unlock  the 
mysteries  of  the  earth;  that  through  them  you  can  sit  in  the  comradeship 
and  listen  to  the  wisdom  of  the  wise  men  of  the  ages;  that  with  them  you 
cannot  be  alone,  for  the  intimate  friendship  of  the  world's  greatest  men 
is  yours. 

This  is  the  education  that  is  within  the  reach  of  every  man,  woman 
and  child  in  America  today — the  university  of  outdoor  life  and  of  books. 

Do  you  remember  the  first  book  that  you  ever  read  ?  Possibly  it 
was  ^Esop's  Fables  or  Bunyan's  "Pilgrim's  Progress,"  or  "Robinson 
Crusoe."  These  were  the  books  that  kindled  the  flame  of  desire  in 
Lincoln's  mind,  until,  at  nineteen  years  of  age,  although  his  total  school 
ing  was  less  than  a  year,  he  had  read  every  book  that  he  could  borrow 
within  fifty  miles  of  his  home. 

This  was  Lincoln's  education.  There  he  stood,  long,  lank,  swarthy; 
six  feet  four  inches  tall;  strong  as  a  giant,  a  heart  like  the  oak,  and  a 
head  full  of  Common  Sense — ready  and  eager  to  fight  it  out  with 
Destiny. 


THE  REVELATION  OF  LIFE'S  SECRETS— BOYHOOD 

CHOOSING  an  occupation  is  the  first  great  crisis  in  life.  Many 
a  good  farmer  is  spoiled  in  the  making  of  a  lawyer,  and  so  it  is 
through  all  the  trades  and  life  professions.  There  is  in  each  one  of 
us  some  natural  tendency  toward  certain  lines  of  work,  and  success 
depends  largely  upon  giving  heed  to  this  warning.  Whatever  line  of  work 
you  may  choose  there  is  always  some  opportunity  to  reach  the  top. 

Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  choose  his  calling;  he  allowed  it  to  choose 
him.  He  passed  the  apprenticeship  of  hard  work  and  answered  the  call 
of  duty  wherever  he  found  it.  He  was  a  wood  chopper  and  a  farm  hand; 
he  swung  the  ax  and  the  scythe,  slaughtered  hogs  and  wielded  the  flail. 
A  day's  work  was  from  sunrise  to  sunset.  The  pay,  which  was  a  quarter 
of  a  dollar,  went  to  his  father,  to  whom  he  owed  all  his  time  until  noon  of 
his  twenty-first  birthday.  A  ferryman  offered  thirty-seven  cents  a  day  for 
his  services,  on  the  deck  as  a  bow  hand,  to  help  pole  the  craft  down 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans.  This  was  his  first  real  revela 
tion  of  the  great  channels  of  trade  and  commerce.  He  realized  for  the 
first  time  that  he  lived  in  a  great  world  of  throbbing  humanity  in  which 
every  man  is  trying  to  make  the  most  of  his  short  journey  through  it.  He 
began  to  feel  the  beat  of  the  human  heart  and  the  pulse  of  life  itself.  The 
great  brotherhood  of  man,  with  its  laughter  and  tears,  gripped  at  his  heart; 
and  he  found  himself  a  man  among  men. 

Do  you  remember  the  thrill  that  you  felt  when  you  earned  the  first 
dollar  that  was  to  be  your  very  own  ?  No  matter  what  success  may  come 
to  you,  or  whatever  fortune  you  may  accumulate,  you  will  never  be  as  rich 
as  that  again.  It  was  this  same  feeling  that  Lincoln  felt  when  in  after 
life  he  told  the  story. 

"I  was  about  eighteen  years  of  age,"  he  said.  :<Two  men  hailed  me 
and  asked  me  to  take  their  trunks  to  a  steamer  which  waited  for  them 
in  midstream.  I  sculled  them  out  to  the  steamer.  They  got  on  board, 
and  I  lifted  the  trunks  and  put  them  on  the  deck.  The  steamer  was  about 
to  put  on  steam  again,  when  I  called  out,  'You  have  forgotten  to  pay  me/ 
Each  of  them  took  from  his  pocket  a  silver  half  dollar  and  threw  it  on  the 
bottom  of  my  boat.  You  may  think  it  was  a  very  little  thing,  and  in  these 
times  it  seems  to  me  like  a  trifle,  but  it  was  a  most  important  incident  in 
my  life.  I  could  scarcely  credit  that  I,  the  poor  boy,  had  earned  a  dollar 
in  less  than  a  day;  that  by  honest  work  I  had  earned  a  dollar.  I  was  a 
more  hopeful  and  thoughtful  boy  from  that  time." 


THE  THRILL  OF  AMBITION—  YOUTH 


CVERY  man   must  make  bis  own  place  in   the  world.     There  is  no 
one  who  will  do  it  for  him.     It  takes  good  grit  to  hew  your  way 
to  the  front.     Abraham  Lincoln  started  out  into  the  world  with 
an  ax  over  his  shoulder.     An  ox  team  had  drawn  the  family  and 
its  scanty  possessions  from  Indiana  to  Illinois.     The  wagon  wheels  were 
but  round  blocks  of  wood  cut  from  the  trunk  of  an  oak  tree,  with  a  hole 
in  the  center  for  the  axle.     He  was  now  twenty-two  years  of  age,  and, 
having  helped  build  the  new  home  in  the  wilderness,  he  bid    good-by    to 
his  father  and  stood  alone  in    the   world  —  his  own   master  and   his  own 
servant. 

Look  —  far  down  the  road  you  can  see  that  tall,  gaunt,  sad-faced  youth; 
his  coat  ragged;  his  hat  battered;  his  trousers  of  torn  and  patched  home 
spun  —  and,  as  he  passes  from  view,  you  feel  that  one  not  wholly  unlike 
yourself  has  passed  by;  that  if  he,  with  only  struggle  behind  him  and  strug 
gle  ahead  of  him,  has  the  courage  to  fight  it  out  with  the  might  of  man 
hood,  then  you  cannot  stand  by  as  an  idler  and  a  coward. 

The  experiences  that  Lincoln  met  were  those  that  we  all  meet  in  the 
necessity  of  earning  a  livelihood.  He  took  whatever  honest  occupation 
came  to  him;  he  split  rails;  he  became  a  flatboatman;  he  worked  in  the 
country  store  at  New  Salem,  a  village  of  twenty  log  houses,—  and  more 
than  all,  he  left  kindness  wherever  he  went.  He  watched  with  the  sick; 
if  a  widow  were  in  need  of  firewood  he  would  cut  it  for  her;  if  he  made  a 
mistake  in  weight  or  change,  he  did  not  sleep  until  he  had  corrected  the 
error  —  and  through  this  he  received  the  first  and  highest  honor  of  his  life, 
the  title  of  "Honest  Abe." 

There  comes  a  day  to  each  of  us  when  we  decide  whether  we  are  to 
be  the  leader  or  the  follower  of  men.  With  Lincoln,  as  with  many  youths 
today,  it  was  his  physical  prowess.  Remarkable  stories  were  told  of  his 
giant  strength,  of  his  picking  up  and  moving  a  chicken  house  weighing 
600  pounds,  and  how  he  could  raise  a  barrel  from  the  ground  and  lift  it  | 
until,  standing  erect,  he  could  drink  from  the  bunghole,  and  by  means 
of  ropes  and  straps  fastened  about  his  hips  he  could  lift  a  box  of  stones 
weighing  nearly  1000  pounds;  but  his  first  real  victory  came  when  he 
thrashed  the  chief  bully  of  the  village  and  won  the  admiration  and  respect 
of  the  community.  It  was  this  that  resulted  in  his  being  chosen  captain 
in  the  Black  Hawk  War,  and  sent  his  fame  broadcast  through  the  frontier 
settlements.  It  is  as  true  today  as  it  was  then,  that,  whether  it  be  in  brawn 
or  brain,  it  is  the  survival  of  the  fittest. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  POWER—  CITIZENSHIP 


man  who  is  not  interested  in  public  affairs  cannot  hope  to 
succeed.  He  has  no  right  to  either  complain  or  ask  help,  for  he 
^as  deliberately  shut  himself  off  from  the  world.  In  this  great 
brotherhood  of  men,  which  we  call  a  democracy,  every  man  is 
pledged  upon  his  honor  to  do  his  part  for  the  community  in  which  he  lives. 
Lincoln  laid  the  foundation  for  his  own  success  when  he  discovered  the 
power  and  opportunity  of  American  citizenship. 

Lincoln  was  twenty-three  years  of  age  when  he  found  his  birthright 
and  entered  into  the  full  privileges  of  citizenship  by  attending  the  public 
meetings  in  the  little  town  of  New  Salem,  and  expressing  his  opinion  and 
power  by  voice  and  ballot. 

"I  jnay  be  wrong  in  regard  to  any  or  all  of  them,"  he  said,  "but,  hold 
ing  it  a  sound  maxim  that  it  is  better  only  some  time  to  be  right  than  at 
all  times  to  be  wrong,  so  as  soon  as  I  discover  my  opinions  to  be  erroneous 
I  shall  be  ready  to  renounce  them."  His  townspeople  made  him  their 
candidate  for  the  state  legislature,  and,  in  accepting  their  leadership,  he 
declared:  "My  greatest  ambition  is  to  be  truly  esteemed  of  my  fellow- 
men  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of  their  esteem.  I  was  born  and  have 
ever  remained  in  the  most  humble  walks  of  life.  If  the  good  people  in  their 
wisdom  shall  see  fit  to  keep  me  in  the  background,  I  have  been  too  familiar 
with  disappointments  to  be  very  much  chagrined." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  his  political  career  —  and  it  began  with 
defeat,  for,  having  no  acquaintance  outside  of  the  village,  the  residents 
from  the  other  towns  in  the  county  jeered  and  asked:  uWho  is  this  Abra 
ham  Lincoln  ?  "  and  the  only  response  was  ridicule  and  laughter  at  the 
sight  of  the  gawky  youth  with  his  tan  brogans  and  blue  yarn  socks. 

As  a  country  merchant,  he  failed  and  was  left  $1,100  in  debt,  and  for 
years  afterwards  gave  his  creditors  every  dollar  that  he  could  earn  above  the 
cost  of  living.  "That  debt,"  he  said  in  later  years,  "was  the  greatest 
obstacle  I  have  ever  met  in  life.  It  was  my  national  debt!" 

"I  will  succeed  now,  anyway,"  he  declared.  During  the  hours  after 
the  hard  labor  of  the  day,  he  pored  over  the  law  books  which  he  borrowed 
by  walking  twenty  miles  to  Springfield  and  back.  At  night  he  would  go 
to  the  cooper's  shop  and  build  a  fire  of  shavings  and  read  by  its  light. 
Whenever  he  gained  a  new  point  in  law  he  would  put  it  into  practice  by 
drawing  up  the  legal  papers  for  the  neighbors.  It  is  such  a  man  as  this, 
with  courage  to  start  life  again  with  the  future  mortgaged,  who  wins  ! 


THE  COURAGE  OF  CONVICTION— MANHOOD 

^^^f A I  LURE  is  but  the  closed  door  to  success — try  again  and  you 
^  may  open  it.  There  is  not  one  man  in  a  thousand  who 

•  I  succeeds  the  first  time.  We  learn  only  by  experience.  No 
^^*^  matter  how  many  times  you  have  failed,  the  possibility  for 
success  is  only  greater  the  next  time.  It  is  not  defeat  that  is  dishonorable; 
it  is  giving  up.  Struggling  to  regain  his  lost  foothold,  Lincoln,  at  twenty- 
four  years  of  age,  earned  by  his  honesty  the  postmastership  at  New 
Salem.  The  mails  came  but  once  or  twice  a  week,  and  in  the  winter  only 
once  a  month;  the  cheapest  postage  was  six  cents  for  thirty  miles,  and  rose 
as  high  as  twenty-five  cents  on  a  letter,  according  to  the  distance.  The 
frontiersmen  lived  largely  on  credit  and  did  not  pay  cash  even  for  their 
letters,  so  that  the  postmaster  had  to  carry  the  accounts.  So  humble  was 
this  political  office  that  Lincoln  found  it  necessary  to  continue  as  a  day 
laborer,  and  he  took  up  surveying  to  add  to  his  income,  so  that  he  might 
pay  off  the  indebtedness  of  his  failure  in  business.  The  foreclosure  of  a 
note  given  by  him  during  his  financial  reverses  resulted  in  the  seizure  of 
his  horse,  saddle  and  bridle,  including  his  surveying  instruments,  leaving 
him  again  stripped  of  all  the  belongings  he  had  in  the  world.  The  keenness 
of  this  humiliation  wrote  itself  deep  into  his  character.  But  his  faith  in 
man  and  in  himself  never  wavered,  and  during  the  next  election  he  again 
accepted  the  nomination  for  the  legislature — and  won. 

Lincoln  was  now  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  so  poor  that  he  had  to 
borrow  the  money  with  which  to  buy  suitable  clothes  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
State  Capitol  at  Springfield.  No  man  has  ever  come  into  American  politics 
under  more  adverse  conditions.  Here  was  a  young  legislator  who  had  never 
lived  in  a  town,  who  had  never  lived  where  there  was  a  church,  who  had 
attended  school  hardly  more  than  six  months  of  his  life,  and  whose  entire 
income  was  not  averaging  $4.00  a  week.  It  is  this  first  impulse  of  political 
power  that  tests  the  character  of  a  man.  The  temptation  of  joining  the 
majority  and  stepping  into  immediate  influence  beset  Lincoln  in  the  same 
way  that  it  lures  the  man  of  today.  True  to  himself,  and  to  those  whom 
he  loved,  he  took  up  the  cause  of  the  common  people,  creating  a  furor  by 
agitating  the  emancipation  of  women  from  political  thraldom,  raising  his 
his  voice  for  freedom  in  a  moral  protest  against  slavery,  and  denouncing 
the  citizenship  that  orders  its  politics  according  to  personal  rewards.  He 
had  reached  the  position  in  life  where  he  had  the  courage  of  his  convictions 
— and  that  is  Manhood. 


10 


The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln 

PART  II 

A  Photographic  Narrative  Which  Interprets 

the  Character  and  Life  of 
Abraham   Lincoln,    the    Greatest    American 


THE  FOUNDATION  OF  LINCOLN'S  CHARACTER 


^y^t&HERE    comes    a    moment    in    every   man's  life  when   he  discovers 

m  himself;  when  he  finds  that  the  years  of  labor  and  experience  have 

^^^  J  laid  a  foundation  upon  which  he  must  stand,  and  that  foundation 

is  either  strong  or  weak  according  to  the  manner  in  which  he  has 

built  it.     We  are  today  only  what  we  made  ourselves  yesterday. 

Lincoln  was  thirty-three  years  of  age  when  he  discovered  his  fixed 
position  in  life.  And  what  a  foundation  he  had  laid!  Built  without  tools 
or  material,  crude  blocks  of  opportunity,  —  he  found  himself  standing  be 
fore  the  burning  heart  of  humanity,  from  which  there  is  no  turning  back. 
Behind  him  were  those  long  years  of  poverty  and  struggle,  the  Kentucky 
cabin,  the  savage  wilds  of  Indiana,  the  prairies  of  Illinois;  childhood  of 
poverty,  boyhood  of  toil,  the  wrestle  with  destiny.  The  people  had  claimed 
him  as  their  own,  and  for  the  first  time  in  his  life  he  could  now  look  straight 
ahead  into  the  future.  A  youth  of  twenty-five  years,  he  had  been  sent  by 
his  townspeople  to  represent  them  in  the  legislature  of  Illinois,  and  had  allied 
himself  with  the  cause  of  the  downtrodden.  The  call  of  the  larger  town 
appealed  to  him.  In  his  twenty-ninth  year,  he  mounted  a  borrowed  horse, 
and  with  all  his  worldly  possessions  in  the  saddlebags,  rode  away  to  Spring 
field  to  become  a  lawyer.  Here  he  was  again  forced  to  fight  his  way  through 
many  misfortunes,  but  during  his  years  in  the  halls  of  legislation  he  had 
made  the  acquaintance  of  men  who  were  to  become  the  nation's  leaders. 

It  was  here  that  Lincoln  took  his  first  stand  against  slavery,  with  but 
one  member  of  the  legislature  in  sympathy  with  him.  His  honesty  and  integ 
rity  at  the  bar  brought  him  a  law  practice  that  allowed  him  to  remove  the 
indebtedness  of  his  earlier  life,  and  at  thirty-three  years  of  age  he  was  main 
taining  himself  through  his  own  abilities.  He  had  been  eight  years  a 
legislator  and  had  risen  to  the  leadership  of  the  Whig  party,  rejecting  the 
nomination  for  the  governorship.  The  fortunes  of  politics  are  as  varied  as 
those  of  war;  when  Lincoln  first  announced  his  ambition  to  be  sent  to 
Washington  as  a  congressman,  the  honor  was  refused  him  by  his  party. 

Struggle  chisels  its  lines  on  the  countenance  of  a  man.  Upon  Lin 
coln's  face  there  was  now  being  written  the  story  that  was  to  become  a 
nation's  history.  And  as  he  sat  for  his  first  photograph,  when  the  call 
of  the  people  demanded  the  privilege  of  looking  upon  the  features  of  the 
young  lawyer  who  desired  to  carry  their  interests  into  the  halls  of  congress, 
he  realized  that  he  no  longer  belonged  to  himself,  but  was  now  a  servant 
of  the  great  democracy.  It  was  the  face  of  prophecy. 


12 


FIRST  PORTRAIT  OF  LINCOLN  TAKEN  WHEN  HE  ENTERED 
NATIONAL  POLITICS — AGE  37 

This  daguerreotype  is  undoubtedly  the  first  time  that  Lincoln  sat  for 

his  portrait.     It  was  taken  during  his  campaign   for  Congress 

or  shortly  after  his  election,  when  he  delivered  his  first 

speeches — from  1846  to  1848.     Photograph  from 

original    daguerreotype    in   possession   of 

Honorable    Robert    T.    Lincoln 

of    Chicago,    Illinois 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  LOVE  ON  LINCOLN'S  LIFE 


is  no  man  so  strong  that  he  cannot  be  won  by  gentleness. 
The  power  of  affection  is  the  most  subtle  force  in  the  world,  and 
interwoven  in  the  lives  of  all  men,  whether  they  be  among  the 
greatest  or  the  most  humble  runs  the  silken  thread  of  a  woman's 
heart.  It  was  this  new  world  of  tenderness  that  flooded  its  golden  light  on 
Lincoln  and  ignited  new  fires  of  ambition  within  him.  It  was  when  he  first 
entered  politics  that  he  first  felt  the  power  of  a  woman's  influence.  The 
beauty  and  the  character  of  little  Anne  Rutledge,  daughter  of  the  village 
tavernkeeper  at  New  Salem,  appealed  to  Lincoln,  but  while  she  admired 
his  manliness  and  ambition  she  was  betrothed  to  another.  Her  compan 
ionship  with  Lincoln  is  one  of  the  love  idylls  in  American  history.  The 
impress  which  it  made  upon  his  character  lived  with  him  throughout  his 
life,  for  in  it  was  written  a  tragedy.  Lincoln's  strong  friendship  for  the 
girl  finally  won  her  heart,  but  in  the  midst  of  almost  the  first  happiness 
which  he  had  ever  known  his  sweetheart  fell  sick  and  died.  Lincoln  was 
constantly  with  her  during  her  last  hours,  and  the  last  song  that  she  sang 
was  for  him.  The  veil  of  darkness  fell  upon  him,  and  in  all  the  stirring 
events  that  beset  his  after  life  he  never  fully  emerged  from  the  melancholy, 
although  her  memory  was  one  of  his  richest  possessions.  His  grief  for  the 
dead  girl  was  such  that  his  friends  feared  that  he  was  losing  his  mind. 

The  experience  of  Lincoln  was  not  unlike  that  of  many  others  who  have 
saved  themselves  at  such  critical  moments  by  summoning  their  will  power 
to  lift  them  from  despair.  Work  is  man's  greatest  friend.  It  has  been 
the  salvation  of  man  since  the  world  began.  Lincoln  turned  to  it  in  his 
time  of  need  and  entered  earnestly  into  the  political  problems  that  were 
gathering  like  foreboding  clouds  over  the  nation,  ardently  supporting  the 
moral  principles  that  underly  every  public  question  of  moment. 

It  was  during  these  days  in  his  yearning  for  companionship  that  he 
met  and  married  Mary  Todd,  a  Kentucky  society  girl,  whose  keen  intuition 
saw  in  the  poor  and  awkward  young  legislator  a  great  political  destiny. 
It  was  a  turning  point  in  his  career,  that  fourth  day  in  November  in  1842, 
when  this  son  of  the  woods,  now  thirty-three  years  of  age,  brought  into 
his  life  this  daughter  of  pride  and  social  ambition,  descended  from  governors 
and  generals,  who,  then  twenty-one  years  of  age,  exclaimed:  "I  mean  to 
to  make  him  President  of  the  United  States.  You  will  see  that,  as  I  always 
told  you,  I  will  be  the  President's  wife."  Woman  became  in  the  life  of  Lin 
coln,  as  she  is  in  the  homes  of  the  nation  today,  the  power  behind  the  throne. 


14 


PHOTOGRAPH  OF  MARY  TODD,  WHO  MARRIED  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN    1842 

Lincoln  was  now  33  years  of  age.     This  negative  was  taken  some  years  later  at  the  time 

of  Lincoln's    inauguration   for  the    Presidency,   and  presents  her 

in  the  gown  worn  at  the  Inaugural  Ball 


Original  Life  Negative  in  Collection  of  Americana — Owned 
by  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


THE  POLITICAL  PRINCIPLES  OF  LINCOLN 

'MBITION  is  a  noble  comrade,  but  a  dangerous  master.  It 
walks  beside  a  man  as  a  faithful  friend,  but  when  once  given  the 
reins  of  control  it  becomes  a  despot. 

Lincoln's  mastery  of  himself  was  his  greatest  safeguard  in 
life.  He  never  allowed  his  political  aspirations  to  overcome  his  principles, 
and,  while  this  for  a  time  retarded  his  progress,  it  ultimately  proved  to 
be  the  stepping  stone  upon  which  he  rose  to  the  fullest  heights  of  ambition. 
He  was  forced  to  overcome  the  same  difficulties  that  beset  every  man  who 
enters  politics.  The  party  leaders,  who  were  unable  to  mold  him  accord 
ing  to  their  desires,  gave  him  but  little  consideration.  This  reason  which 
keeps  so  many  men  out  of  politics  is  in  reality  the  very  reason  why  they 
should  enter  them.  Strong  men  of  honest  purpose  need  never  fear  the 
ultimate  outcome  of  their  contest  with  corruption. 

Lincoln's  failure  to  secure  the  nomination  for  congress  only  strength 
ened  his  resolution,  and  on  the  following  election  he  swept  his  district  by 
the  largest  majority  that  ever  had  been  given  to  a  Whig  candidate.  The 
tall,  gaunt  figure  of  the  young  congressman  of  Illinois,  on  the  streets  of 
Washington,  amused  the  passers-by  as  he  walked  to  and  from  the  National 
Capitol ;  his  books  tied  in  a  bandana  handkerchief,  hanging  on  the  end 
of  a  cane  over  his  shoulder.  While  he  was  considered  droll,  he  did  not 
make  a  very  deep  impress  on  the  statesmen  of  the  times,  owing  largely  to 
the  fact  that  his  viewpoint  was  seldom  political  or  economic,  but  almost 
wholly  moral.  The  war  with  Mexico,  and  the  victory  of  the  American 
arms,  inspired  the  American  spirit  of  progress,  but  Lincoln  weighed  its 
issue  wholly  in  the  scales  of  the  old  precept,  "Whatever  ye  would  that  men 
should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them."  His  speeches,  coming  when 
the  country  was  elated  with  military  glory,  brought  denunciation  upon  him 
and  cost  him  his  political  popularity.  Political  agreements,  similar  to  those 
which  are  still  practiced  today,  deprived  him  of  re-election  and  he  returned 
to  the  dingy  law  office  in  the  back  room  of  a  two-story  building  on  the 
square  at  Springfield.  Upon  his  retirement  to  private  life  it  was  believed 
that  the  untactful  country  lawyer  had  passed  forever  from  political  memory. 

The  politicians  administered  "a  decisive  blow"  to  the  slavery  agitation 
with  the  Missouri  Compromise,  only  to  learn  that  the  heart  of  humanity 
cannot  be  suppressed,  and  to  witness  that  unforeseen  force,  Lincoln,  being 
carried  to  the  leadership  of  the  tremendous  economic  problem  that  was 
soon  to  make  him  the  supreme  figure  in  American  politics. 


1C, 


Photograph  taken  while  Lincoln,  age  45,  was  engaged  in  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  in   1854 — Original   taken  in    an    itinerant   gallery   in    Chi 
cago,  for  George   Schneider,  editor  of   "Staats  Zeitung" 


Photograph  taken  in   1856,  when  Lincoln,  age    47,   was  mentioned  for 
Vice-President  in  the  First  Republican  National  Convention 

Print  in  Collection  of  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  of  Washington,   D.  C. 


THE  IMPULSE  THAT  HELD  LINCOLN  STEADFAST 


^•^•B^HE  man  who  takes  the  world  philosophically  can  never    be   per- 

m  manently  beaten.      Lincoln  was  greatly  disappointed   when   his 

^^^  J  political  party  set  him  aside,  but  in  referring  to  it,  in  his  life  as 

a  country    lawyer,  he  said:  "I  have  always  been  a  fatalist  and 

what  is  to  be,  will  be,  or  rather,  as  Hamlet  says,  'There  is  a  divinity  that 

shapes  our  ends,  rough  hew  them  how  we  will.'  ; 

Lincoln  admitted  that  he  was  losing  interest  in  politics  when  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  "stirred  him  as  he  never  had  been  stirred 
before."  It  aroused  him  to  such  an  extent  that  he  again  entered  the  arena 
and  became  the  candidate  for  the  United  States  Senate.  The  abolition 
movement  was  beginning  to  sweep  New  England.  The  people  began  to 
rally  to  the  new  standard  by  the  tens  of  thousands.  A  great  political  party, 
for  the  altruistic  purpose  of  equality  to  all  men,  was  being  organized. 

Lincoln  became  one  of  the  first  Republicans.  The  oratory  of  this 
strange,  serious  man  seemed  to  inspire  the  hopes  of  the  people.  They  looked 
upon  him  in  bewilderment  as  they  saw  this  giant  of  the  woods,  in  a  black 
alpaca  coat,  with  his  sleeves  rolled  up,  hammering  away  at  the  institution 
which  he  believed  to  be  unjust.  His  appeal  was  always  one  of  peace,  for 
in  his  heart  or  mind  there  had  not  yet  been  a  suggestion  of  the  clash  of 
arms  that  was  to  come  through  his  leadership.  He  recognized  that  slavery 
was  an  established  institution  and  that  its  property  rights  were  legal  and 
just  according  to  the  economic  system  of  the  times,  but  he  believed  that  it 
was  unworthy  of  the  high  principles  of  American  self-government  and  that 
in  the  interest  of  civilization  we  should  dissolve  the  institution  by  pur 
chasing  the  chattels  from  their  owners  and  extending  liberty  and  freedom 
to  all  men,  regardless  of  color  or  race. 

"Our  political  problem  now  is,  'can  we  as  a  nation  continue  together 
permanently  —  forever—  half  slave  and  half  free,'  the  problem  is  too  mighty 
for  me.  May  God  superintend  the  solution,"  he  remarked  prophetically. 

The  one  dominant  note  in  Lincoln's  character  was  hope.  He  believed 
that  hope  was  the  saving  grace  in  humanity.  "  Free  labor  has  the  inspira 
tion  of  hope,  pure  slavery  has  no  hope,"  he  said.  "The  power  of  hope 
upon  human  exertion  and  happiness  is  wonderful."  When  the  Republican 
party  came  into  existence,  Lincoln,  now  forty-seven  years  of  age,  stood 
on  the  convention  floor  and  held  his  hearers  spellbound;  men  cheered  and 
women  wept;  the  audience  rose  to  its  feet  enmasse.  The  great  popu 
lace  had  found  their  champion  at  last  in  this  frontier  lawyer. 


is 


First  photograph  of  Lincoln  circulated  throughout  the  country  for  campaign 


Ambrotype  taken  in  1858,  shortly  after  Lincoln's  speech  at  Galesburg, 
Illinois — Print  owned  by  Mr.  O.  H.  Oldroyd  of  Washington 


THE  RUGGED  HONESTY  OF  LINCOLN'S  HEART 


heart  of  every  man  is  a  furnace  of  smoldering  fires,  which, 
when  fanned  by  inspiration,  bursts  into  flame.  It  is  the  man 
who  can  rekindle  the  dormant  fire  of  humanity,  and  cause  it  to 
rise  from  its  own  ashes,  who  becomes  the  leader  of  his  people. 
There  were  hundreds  of  men  in  Lincoln's  time  who  were  more  learned 
in  the  law  than  he;  there  are  thousands  today.  It  is  not  how  much  you 
know,  but  rather  how  much  you  know  how  to  use  it. 

Lincoln  knew  more  about  the  heart  of  man  than  he  did  the  head. 
The  secret  of  his  success  and  his  greatness  was  his  simple  humanity. 
All  the  political  wisdom  and  legal  knowledge  of  the  great  men  of  the  times 
could  not  overcome  the  simple,  direct  words  of  his  homely  philosophy 
that  sank  deep  into  the  understanding  of  every  hearer. 

Listen  —  you  can  hear  the  resonant  tones  echoing  down  through  the 
years  from  the  lips  of  the  tall,  gaunt  orator:  "When  the  white  man  governs 
himself,  that  is  self-government;  but  when  he  governs  himself  and  also 
governs  another  man,  that  is  more  than  self-government  —  that  is  despotism." 
"No  man  is  good  enough  to  govern  another  without  that  other's  consent." 
"Repeal  the  Missouri  Compromise,  repeal  all  compromise,  repeal  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  repeal  all  past  history,  still  you  cannot  repeal 
human  nature." 

You  can  see  him  as  he  stands  in  the  halls  of  the  Republican  Conven 
tion  in  Illinois.  He  raises  his  arms  and  shouts:  "We  must  make  this  a 
land  of  liberty,  in  fact  as  it  is  in  name."  "We  will  say  to  the  Southern 
disunionists,  we  won't  go  out  of  the  Union,  and  you  shan't!"  You  can 
see  that  great  audience  rise  to  its  feet,  and  as  the  crowd  takes  up  the  slogan, 
the  hall  rings  with  the  words  that  have  ignited  the  hearts  of  his  hearers 
and  set  them  aflame.  Twenty  days  later,  the  delegates  met  in  the  first 
National  Republican  Convention  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Abraham 
Lincoln  received  one  hundred  and  ten  votes  for  the  Vice-Presidency.  It 
was  the  following  noon  that  he  walked  into  the  tavern  in  the  village 
where  he  was  trying  a  law  case  on  the  Illinois  circuit.  He  found  an  excited 
group  discussing  the  news  which  had  just  arrived.  The  country  lawyer 
carelessly  replied  that  there  was  another  Lincoln  up  in  Massachusetts 
and  it  probably  meant  him.  The  vote  for  Lincoln  was  not  sufficient  to 
place  his  name  on  the  first  Republican  ticket,  but  it  saved  him  from  the 
necessity  of  going  down  to  political  oblivion  in  the  election  that  followed. 
This  is  another  instance  in  a  man's  life  where  defeat  is  good  fortune. 


Lincoln  sat  for  this  photograph  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  during  the 

memorable  campaign  of   1858 — age  49  years — Print  owned 

by    Mrs.   Harriet    Chapman  of    Charleston,  Illinois 


Ambrotype  taken  at  Pittsfield,  Illinois,  October  1,  1858,  immediately  after 

Lincoln  had  made  his  speech  on  the  public  square — age  49 — Original 

by  C.  Jackson,  owned  by  Miss  Hattie  Gilmer  of  Pittsfield,  Illinois. 

Print    in    collection    of  Frederick    H.     Meserve,     New  York 


THE  MAN  WHO  FIRST  MADE  LINCOLN  KNOWN 

^•••g^O    a   strong   man   opposition    is   a   challenge   that  goaas   him  on  to 

m  victory.     It  requires  some  crucial  effort  in  a  man's  life  to  bring 

^^^  J  out  his  full  strength.     We  all  have  what  we  consider  our  obstacles 

in  the  way  of  success.     The  strong  man  does  not  attempt  to  go 

around  them,  he  cuts  straight  through  them. 

Lincoln's  life  was  filled  with  obstacles,  but  the  last  and  greatest  of  them 
was  a  man  of  political  strength  even  greater  than  his  own;  a  man,  who, 
like  himself,  had  come  to  the  wilderness  to  fight  his  way  to  success — the 
"Little  Giant,"  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

You  possibly  can  remember  in  your  own  experience  some  one  indi 
vidual  who  has  had  more  effect  upon  your  life  than  all  the  others  that  you 
have  ever  known.  Friends  are  frequently  milestones  and  occasionally 
one  of  them  is  a  turning  point. 

Douglas  was  this  and  more  to  Lincoln.  The  roads  of  the  two  men 
had  been  similar  in  early  life.  Douglas  knew  the  school  of  hard  work  and 
poverty,  for  he  had  come  from  the  hills  of  Vermont  to  the  Western  plains 
with  but  thirty-seven  cents  in  his  pocket.  He  had  worked  on  a  farm  and 
taught  school.  He  first  appeared  in  Lincoln's  life  as  a  suitor  for  the  hand 
of  the  same  woman.  In  this  first  conflict  Lincoln  won.  They  both  studied 
law;  they  both  entered  politics;  they  both  entered  the  legislative  halls. 

Here  their  roads  seemed  to  part.  Douglas,  allying  himself  with  Demo 
cratic  powers,  plunged  ahead  toward  the  goal  of  his  ambition.  He  became 
Secretary  of  State  in  Illinois,  and  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court;  he  was 
sent  to  Washington  as  a  Congressman;  he  was  elected  to  the  United  States 
Senate.  The  name  of  Douglas  stood  for  statesmanship;  his  strong  hand 
could  be  seen  in  all  the  great  political  movements;  he  favored  the  acqui 
sition  of  new  territory  to  extend  the  principles  of  American  self-government; 
he  advocated  the  compromise  of  1850;  he  formulated  the  doctrine  of  Popular 
Sovereignty,  and  the  famous  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill. 

In  this  heyday  of  fame  he  had  almost  forgotten  the  country  lawyer 
back  on  the  Illinois  circuit,  who  had  been  left  so  far  behind.  It  did  not 
occur  to  him  that  this  gaunt  youth  was  now  literally  walking  on  his 
shadow,  until  suddenly  he  turned  about  and  found  himself  once  more  look 
ing  into  the  strong,  homely  face  of  his  first  opponent — Abraham  Lincoln. 

The  "Little  Giant's"  career  was  now  brought  to  a  halt  for  the  first 
time;  not  by  a  man  who  wished  to  obstruct  him,  but  by  one  who  heard  the 
cry  of  humanity  ahead,  and  challenged  him  for  the  right  of  way. 


PHOTOGRAPH  OF  STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS  TAKEN  DURING  His  DEBATES  WITH  LINCOLN  IN  1858 

Lincoln  was  now  49  years  of  age;  Douglas  was  45  years — This  negative  was  taken  after  Douglas 

defeated  Lincoln  for  the  United  States  Senate,  which  was  followed  two  years  later 

by    Lincoln's    defeat    of   Douglas   for   President   of   United    States 


Original  in  the  Collection  of  American  Celebrities — Owned 
by  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington,  D.  C. 


THE  CHALLENGE  THAT  TESTED  LINCOLN'S  STRENGTH 


every  man  must  be  weighed  in  the  balance  sooner  or 
later,  but  it  is  not  often  that  the  scales  of  justice  are  to  be  the 
crucial  test.  Lincoln  knew  when  he  challenged  Douglas  for 
hjg  seat  jn  tne  United  States  Senate  that  he  was  challenging 
destiny,  that  he  was  inviting  an  irrepressible  conflict  in  which  both  his 
life  and  his  nation  were  at  stake. 

The  problem  of  Slavery,  which  had  been  suppressed  by  politicians  for 
a  generation,  now  demanded  the  judgment  of  the  American  people.  Lin 
coln,  now  forty-nine  years  of  age,  brought  it  to  its  first  crisis. 

"I  know  there  is  a  God,  and  He  hates  injustice  and  slavery.  I  see 
the  storm  coming.  I  know  His  hand  is  in  it.  If  He  has  a  place  and  work 
for  me  —  and  I  think  He  has  —  I  believe  I  am  ready.  I  am  nothing,  but 
truth  is  everything." 

Like  every  man  who  undertakes  to  follow  his  conscience  at  the  risk 
of  his  material  gain,  Lincoln  was  advised  by  his  friends  that  he  was  ruining 
himself  and  his  party;  that  he  was  not  only  unwise,  but  a  fool;  that  while 
he  was  only  a  country  lawyer,  without  money,  and  struggling  to  make  a 
living,  he  was  courting  destruction  at  the  hands  of  the  strongest  political 
leader  of  the  day;  a  man  who  was  now  of  independent  fortune,  whose  home 
in  Washington  was  the  gathering  place  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the 
world,  and  who  had  been  honored  in  the  capitals  of  Europe. 

Lincoln  fully  realized  the  difference  between  himself  and  his  opponent. 
"With  me,"  he  said  sadly,  "the  race  of  ambition  has  been  a  failure  —  a 
flat  failure;  with  him  it  has  been  one  of  splendid  success."  "I  affect  no 
contempt  for  the  high  eminence  he  has  reached.  So  reached  that  the 
oppressed  of  my  species  might  have  shared  with  me  in  the  elevation,  I  would 
rather  stand  on  that  eminence  than  wear  the  richest  crown  that  ever  pressed 
a  monarch's  brow."  "I  shall  try  to  conduct  myself  as  a  gentleman  in 
substance  at  least,  if  not  in  outward  polish.  The  latter  I  shall  never  be, 
but  that  which  constitutes  the  inside  of  a  gentleman,  I  hope  I  understand." 

With  full  conviction  of  this  inequality,  Lincoln  declared:  "We  have 
to  fight  this  battle  upon  principle,  and  principle  alone."  It  was  now  that 
he  sounded  the  trumpet  call  to  patriotism:  "A  house  divided  against 
itself  cannot  stand."  "I  believe  this  government  cannot  endure  perma 
nently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  union  to  be  dissolved— 
I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall  —  but  I  do  expect  that  it  will  cease  to  be 
divided.  It  will  become  all  one  thing,  or  all  the  other." 


Ambrotype  taken  August  25,  1858,  at  Macomb,  Illinois,  when  Lincoln 

was  campaigning  against  Douglas  for  the  United  States  Senate. 

Owned  by  Mr.  W.  J.  Franklin    of    Macomb,    Illinois 


Lincoln  as  he  appeared  in  the  political  campaign  in   1858 — age  49 — 

Original  negative  owned  by  Dr.  McWilliarns  of  Dwight,  Illinois. 

Print  in  possession  of  Mr.   Stuart  Brown  of  Springfield 


THE  DEFEAT    THAT  MADE   LINCOLN   FAMOUS 


man  who  dares  to  fight  a  superior  foe  has  already  won  half 
the  battle.  When  Lincoln  stepped  to  the  platform  to  stand  beside 
Douglas,  in  his  first  great  combat  against  brilliancy  and  wit,  on 
that  twenty-first  day  of  August,  in  1858,  he  stepped  into  great 
ness.  Carloads  of  people  from  Chicago  poured  into  the  little  villages  of 
Illinois;  the  roads  were  filled  with  country  folk,  camping  on  the  prairie, 
like  an  army  in  bivouac. 

Douglas  journeyed  in  state  in  a  private  car,  from  which  floated  the 
militant  strains  of  a  band  playing  the  national  airs;  a  cannon  mounted  on 
a  flat  car  proclaimed  his  coming.  Lincoln  made  his  way  from  town  to 
town  by  horse  or  foot,  by  slow  trains  or  in  the  caboose  of  a  freight. 

Look  at  the  two  men  as  they  stand  before  the  cheering  multitudes,  the 
champions  of  the  two  greatest  causes  that  have  ever  met  in  conflict  in  the 
annals  of  mankind  —  freedom  and  slavery.  There  stands  Douglas,  the 
"Little  Giant,"  five  feet  four  inches  tall;  his  shoulders  broad,  his  head 
massive  and  majestic.  There  stands  Lincoln,  his  awkward  figure,  of  six 
feet  four  inches,  slightly  stooped;  his  hair  disheveled;  his  clothes  uncouth; 
his  sunken  face  furrowed  by  struggle.  The  throng  is  cheering  and  jeering. 
The  strains  of  ''Columbia,  the  Gem  of  the  Ocean,"  swell  from  ten  thou 
sand  throats.  The  flags  of  the  Republic  flutter  in  the  breeze. 

The  multitude  becomes  quiet.  A  deep,  manly  voice  hushes  them  to 
silence:  "I  don't  care  whether  slavery  be  voted  up  or  voted  down.  I  don't 
believe  the  negro  is  any  kin  of  mine  at  all.  Who  among  you  expects  to 
live,  or  have  his  children  live,  until  slavery  be  established  in  Illinois  or 
abolished  in  South  Carolina?"  It  is  the  voice  of  Douglas,  combative, 
forceful,  decisive. 

The  tall,  gaunt  figure  now  rises  before  the  multitude.  His  lips 
part.  "Is  slavery  wrong?  It  is  the  eternal  struggle  between  these  two 
principles  —  right  and  wrong  —  throughout  the  world.  They  are  two  prin 
ciples  that  have  stood  face  to  face  from  the  beginning  of  time;  and  will 
ever  continue  to  struggle.  The  one  is  the  common  right  of  humanity, 
and  the  other  the  divine  right  of  kings."  It  is  the  voice  of  Lincoln, 
resonant,  gentle,  appealing. 

The  battle  of  human  emotions  rose  and  fell  before  seven  vast  audiences 
on  the  circuit  of  Illinois,  with  intense  heat  and  fury.     Then  came  the  voice 
of  the  people  —  the  ballot  —  the  highest  law  in  the  land,  in  whose  judgment 
there   speaks   an  authority  which  no  monarch  in  the  world  can  overrule— 
and  Lincoln  lost. 


Faded  ambrotype  of  Lincoln  in  linen   coat,  during  Douglas  debates 
at  Beardstown,  Illinois,  in  1858 — -Original  now  in  Lincoln  Mon 
ument  Collection  at  Springfield,  Illinois — Print  in  possession 
of    Mr.    Osborn    H.    Oldroyd   of   Washington,    D.   C. 


Photograph  taken  during  the  famous  Lincoln-Douglas  debates  in 
1858 — age  49 — Collection  of  Mr.  J.  C.  Browne  of  Philadelphia 


THE  APPEAL  OF  HUMANITY  THAT  LINCOLN  HEARD 


world  loves  a  man  who  knows  how  to  lose.  No  man  has  ever 
yet  gone  through  life  without  having  to  take  his  losses.  That  is 
one  of  the  first  lessons  that  we  have  to  learn  —  and  one  of  the 
severest.  Abraham  Lincoln  probably  had  more  setbacks  than 
any  man  who  reads  these  lines. 

While  Lincoln  was  walking  home  in  the  rain  after  his  defeat  for  tne 
United  States  Senate,  he  stumbled  in  the  muddy  street,  but  quickly  regain 
ing  his  balance,  he  naively  muttered,  "It  is  a  slip  and  not  a  fall."  The 
defeat  had  cost  Lincoln  nearly  a  thousand  dollars  —  all  the  money  that  he 
possessed,  and  the  loss  of  over  six  months  from  his  law  practice.  He  was 
left  without  money  for  even  household  expenses.  It  had  cost  Douglas 
eighty  thousand  dollars  of  his  private  fortune  to  save  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate  and  to  discover  a  new  political  power  that  was  to  rival  him 
for  the  leadership  of  the  American  people. 

''Though  I  now  sink  out  of  view  and  shall  be  forgotten,"  remarked 
Lincoln,  "I  believe  I  have  made  some  marks  which  will  tell  for  civil  liberty 
long  after  I  am  gone."  "Let  the  past  as  nothing  be.  The  fight  must  go 
on,  and  I  shall  fight  in  the  ranks." 

Lincoln  returned  to  his  work  on  the  circuit  to  get  a  living.  He  carried 
his  love  for  humanity  into  the  court  room  and  in  defense  of  the  fallen 
appealed  to  the  forgiving  spirit  of  brotherly  love.  His  practice  of  law 
was  almost  wholly  based  on  these  principles. 

There  is  an  old  saying  that  the  truth  never  dies,  and  so  it  was  with 
Lincoln's  words.  The  fires  that  he  had  kindled  in  his  campaign  were 
spreading  throughout  the  country.  There  came  loud  calls  for  him  from 
distant  cities.  He  found  that  his  defeat  was  once  again  a  victory,  the  step 
ping  stone  upon  which  he  was  to  rise  to  greater  heights. 

''This  is  a  world  of  compensation,"  was  the  message  that  he  sent  to 
New  England,  "He  who  would  be  no  slave  must  be  content  to  have  no 
slave.  Those  who  deny  freedom  to  others  deserve  it  not  for  themselves, 
and,  under  a  just  God,  cannot  long  retain  it." 

These  messages  stirred  the  populace  as  had  nothing  else  since  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  His  speeches  were  printed  and  given 
wide  circulation.  His  neighbors  gazed  wonderingly  on  the  growing  fame 
of  their  townsman,  who,  to  them,  was  but  a  simple,  uncouth  man  who 
had  no  special  position  among  them.  It  is  the  old  story  of  the  prophet 
being  without  honor  in  his  own  home. 


'-'8 


LINCOLN  AT  THE  TIME  OF  JOHN  BROWN'S  RAID  AT  HARPER'S  FERRY — AGE  SO 

This  negative,  taken  in  1859,  was  destroyed  in  the  Chicago  Fire— Mrs.  Lincoln 

considered   it  the  best  likeness  of  her  husband  that  she  had  ever 

seen — It  presents  Lincoln  as    he    appeared    just    before 

his  nomination  for  the   Presidency 


Original  negative  by  S.  M.  Fassett  of  Chicago,  Illinois 

Photograph  owned  by  Mr.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  of  Boston,  Massachusetts 
Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  H.  W.  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois 


THE  FIRST  TEST  OF  LINCOLN'S  NATIONAL  GREATNESS 


€VERY  day  that  a  man  lives  he  is  building  a  reputation  —  good 
or  bad.  There  is  sure  to  come  a  time  when  this  reputation  must 
be  weighed  in  the  balance  of  public  opinion.  In  such  an  hour 
as  this  money  may  be  the  most  worthless  thing  in  the  world. 
Lincoln,  at  fifty-one  years  of  age,  was  still  poor  in  money,  but  becoming 
very  rich  in  reputation, 

When  the  call  came  for  him  to  speak  in  the  metropolis  of  New  York, 
he  knew  that  the  greatest  test  of  his  life  had  now  come;  that  he  was  now 
to  be  measured  by  the  standards  of  the  cosmopolitan  world. 

A  great  crowd  gathered  at  Cooper  Institute,  on  that  memorable  night, 
the  twenty-seventh  of  February,  in  1860.  No  man  since  the  days  of 
Clay  and  Webster  had  spoken  to  a  larger  assemblage  of  intellect.  On 
the  platform  were  the  dignitaries  of  the  day.  There  was  William  Cullen 
Bryant,  Horace  Greeley,  and  David  Dudley  Field. 

The  tall,  awkward  figure  of  Lincoln  rose  from  his  chair.  His  hair 
was  disheveled;  his  coat  was  too  large;  his  arms  hung  ungainly  at  his  sides, 
much  longer  than  his  sleeves;  and  one  of  the  legs  of  his  trousers  was  two 
inches  above  his  shoes.  The  vast  audience  smiled. 

Lincoln,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  seemed  to  be  embarrassed.  His 
hands  were  trembling.  His  words  were  first  low  and  stammering.  He  had 
read  but  three  pages  and  was  passing  to  the  fourth  when  he  lost  his  place. 
For  a  moment  he  hesitated.  Then  turning  the  manuscript  over  two  or 
three  times,  he  threw  it  upon  the  table.  His  shoulders  straightened.  His 
whole  being  seemed  to  be  marshalling  power.  As  he  advanced  toward  the 
audience,  he  seemed  to  grow  in  stature  and  might.  His  face  flashed  with 
a  glow  of  inspiration.  The  words  rang  through  the  great  amphitheatre  as 
he  quoted  from  Frederick  Douglass:  "It  is  written  in  the  sky  of  America 
that  the  slaves  shall  some  day  be  free." 

The  audience  listened  spellbound  to  his  wisdom  as  he  laid  before 
them  the  entire  constitutional  and  legislative  history  of  the  institution  of 
slavery  since  the  nation  was  founded. 

"Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusations  against 
us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of  destruction  to  the  Government 
nor  of  dungeons  to  ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might, 
and  in  that  faith,  let  us,  to  the  end,  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it." 
No  man  had  ever  made  such  an  impression  in  his  first  appeal  to  a  New 
York  audience.  Lincoln  loomed  before  the  nation  as  the  master  of  men. 


80 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  in   1860  at  the  time  of   his   "Cooper    Institute 

Speech  "  in  New  York  during  his  campaign  for  the  Presidency — age  51. 

Original    negative    by     Mathew     Brady    of    New     York — 

Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington,  D.  C. 


Photograph  taken  in  summer  of  1860  for  campaign  purposes — Original 

negative  owned  by  Mr.  M.  C.  Tuttle  of  St.  Paul,  Minnesota — Print 

from  collection    of  Mr.   Daniel    Fish   of  Minneapolis,  Minnesota 


THE  INSPIRATION  OF  LINCOLN'S  PATRIOTISM 


^y^fjjHERE  is  nothing  in  this  world  that  merely  happens  as  a  matter 
/  of  chance.      Life    is    filled  with  surprises  as  well  as  disappoint- 

^^F     J  ments,  but  back  of  each  one  of  them  is  a  well-defined  cause.      The 
conditions    that  were  now  gathering  about  Lincoln,  at  fifty-one 
years  of  age,  were  the  cumulative  results  of  a  long  life  of  work  and  faith. 

The  distant  rumbles  of  the  greatest  political  campaign  the  American 
people  have  ever  waged,  could  now  be  heard.  Public  opinion  was  now 
hopelessly  divided  over  slavery.  In  the  great  ''Wigwam"  at  Chicago, 
the  Republicans  gathered  to  nominate  the  standard  bearer.  Trains 
from  the  East  brought  the  great  political  organizers  of  the  day,  and 
poured  their  martial  bands  and  drilled  clubs  into  the  dusty  streets, 
only  to  be  met  by  the  tremendous  onslaught  of  enthusiasm  that  inspired 
the  West. 

It  was  now  the  day  for  nominations.  The  great  "Wigwam"  was 
a  surging  sea  of  men. 

"I  nominate  William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  for  President," 
shouted  the  clear,  penetrating  voice  of  the  campaign  leader  from  the  East. 
The  name  of  the  great  statesman  was  greeted  by  a  storm  of  applause. 

"I  nominate  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  for  President  of  the  United 
States."  The  words  came  from  the  deep,  powerful  voice  of  a  Westerner. 
A  tremendous  cheer  broke  from  ten  thousand  throats.  The  balloting 
began.  Nine  states  of  the  South  did  not  respond  and  the  silence  was 
greeted  with  hisses  and  jeers.  The  delegates  from  the  East  rose  en  masse 
from  their  seats.  Seward  had  received  173!  votes  against  102  for  Lincoln— 
but  he  was  short  more  than  a  score  necessary  for  a  majority.  The  bal 
loting  proceeded  again.  Once  more  the  East  broke  into  applause,  but 
from  the  throats  of  the  West  there  came  a  challenging  ovation.  Seward 
still  led  with  184!  votes,  but  Lincoln  had  received  181  —  and  still  no 
majority.  The  third  ballot  proceeded.  A  deep  suspense  fell  upon  the 
multitude.  Lincoln  had  received  23  1|  votes;  Seward  180  —  still  i|  votes 
short  of  a  majority.  The  "Wigwam"  was  in  deathlike  silence.  Suddenly 
the  figure  of  a  man  sprang  to  a  chair.  "Ohio  changes  its  four  votes  to 
Abraham  Lincoln!"  he  shouted.  The  tumult  that  rose  in  that  auditorium 
had  never  before  been  witnessed  in  American  politics.  A  deafening  roar 
echoed  across  the  "Wigwam."  The  multitude  was  thrown  into  pande 
monium.  Men  embraced  each  other  and  wept.  The  crowds  at  the  doors 
took  up  the  chorus,  which  echoed  through  the  streets  until  it  was  heard  a 
mile  away.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  quaint,  ungainly  prophet  of  the  New 

West,  had  been  nominated  for  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  _ 


Photograph  taken  before  the  Republican  National  Conven 
tion  at  Chicago  in  1860 — Found  in  Collection  of  the 
late  Mr.  J.  Henry  Brown   of  Philadelphia 


Photograph  taken  at  his  home  in  Springfield,   Illinois,  immediately 

after  his  nomination  for  Presidency  in  1860 — age  51 — Originalby 

Alexander  Hesler  of  Chicago,  destroyed  during  the  fire — Print 

in  collection  of  Mr.  Herbert  W.  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois 


THE  GATHERING  OF  HUMANITY  UNDER  LINCOLN 

you  want  to  discover  just  what  there  is  in  a  man — give  him 
power.  It  will  either  make  him  or  wreck  him.  Prosperity  has 
ruined  more  men  than  poverty.  Watch  a  man  when  he  catches 
his  first  glow  of  success  and  you  will  discover  just  how  big  or  how 
little  he  really  is. 

Lincoln  was  standing  in  the  door  of  a  shop  in  Springfield,  talking, 
when  a  shout  went  up  from  a  group  in  front  of  the  telegraph  office.  An 
excited  boy  ran  across  the  square  shouting,  "Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Lincoln, 
you  are  nominated!"  His  townspeople  flocked  about  him,  half  laughing, 
half  crying.  He  stood  for  a  moment  looking  at  them  curiously.  Then 
he  quietly  remarked:  "My  friends,  I  am  glad  to  receive  your  congratu 
lations,  and  as  there  is  a  little  woman  down  on  Eighth  Street  who  will  be 
glad  to  hear  the  news,  you  must  excuse  me  until  I  inform  her.' 

When  the  delegation  from  the  national  convention  arrived  at  the 
Lincoln  home  to  officially  notify  him  of  his  nomination,  they  found  a 
plain  two-storied  house,  with  not  more  than  a  dozen  citizens  gathered  in 
front  and  one  of  Lincoln's  sons  perched  on  the  gatepost.  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  standing  in  front  of  the  fireplace,  his  eyes  downcast. 

The  campaign  opened  with  the  true  Western  spirit.  Orators  stumped 
the  country  from  one  end  to  the  other.  Torchlight  processions  marched 
through  the  streets.  Campaign  songs  both  ridiculed  and  eulogized 
"Honest  Abe  of  the  West"  —the  plain  man  of  the  people.  The  opposing 
journals  jeered  at  him  as  a  "third  rate  country  lawyer,"  coarse  and  clumsy, 
who  could  not  even  speak  good  grammar.  The  patriotic  press  held  him 
before  the  people  as  "a  man  who,  by  his  own  genius  and  force  of  character, 
has  raised  himself  from  being  a  penniless,  uneducated  flatboatman." 

The  West  was  exuberant.  Seventy  thousand  excursionists  poured 
into  Springfield  on  a  single  day  to  shake  the  hand  of  "Our  Lincoln." 
Every  road  leading  to  the  prairie  city  was  crowded  for  twenty  miles — men, 
women  and  children.  They  brought  their  tents,  camp  kettles,  and  coffee 
pots.  It  was  a  pageant,  such  as  no  other  American  had  ever  known. 
The  strains  of  the  campaign  songs  passed  along  the  country  roads  like 
trumpet  notes.  "Our  Lincoln  is  the  man!  Our  Lincoln  is  the  man!" 

"Who  is  this  huckster  in  politics?"  demanded  a  New  Englander. 
"Who  is  this  country  court  advocate?"  Lincoln,  without  resentment 
and  without  humility,  calmly  replied  that  his  life  presented  nothing  but 
"the  short  and  simple  annals  of  the  poor." 


34 


Photograph  taken  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  June,  1860 — Print 
owned  by  Mr.  George  B.  Ayres—  Copyrighted  1894 


Ambrotype  taken  at  Springfield,   Illinois,  May  20,   1860— Original 

presented  to  Governor  Marcus  L.  Ward  of  New  Jersey — Now  in 

possession   of   the    Ward   family   of   Newark,    New  Jersey 


THE  BURDEN  OF  A  NATION  ON  LINCOLN'S  HEART 

MAN'S  life  is  much  like  a  pendulum.  It  swings  back  and 
forth  over  the  sweep  of  events  between  his  birth  and  death.  There 
is  seldom  a  moment  that  becomes  forever  lost.  His  deeds  are 
ever  recurrent.  The  beat  of  time  in  Lincoln's  life  always  brought 
him  before  the  strong,  manly  presence  of  one  man.  It  was  this  man 
who  now  challenged  him  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States — Douglas. 

The  two  were  now  arrayed  against  each  other  in  their  last  great 
conflict.  Douglas,  as  the  candidate  of  the  Northern  Democracy,  stood 
for  state  rights;  a  principle  by  which  each  commonwealth  or  territory 
could  accept  or  reject  slavery  according  to  its  own  dictates  without  inter 
ference  of  Congress  or  the  neighboring  states.  Lincoln,  the  candidate  of 
the  new  Republicanism,  placed  the  responsibility  of  the  problem  on  Con 
gress  as  the  final  authority,  declaring  that  there  was  no  power  that  legalized 
slavery  anywhere,  but  that  it  was  within  the  privilege  of  Congress  to  pro 
hibit  it  in  any  and  every  Federal  territory.  Breckenridge,  the  candidate 
of  the  Southern  Democracy,  upheld  the  principle  that  the  citizen  of  any 
state  has  a  right  to  migrate  to  any  territory,  taking  with  him  his  property 
by  the  law  of  his  own  state,  and  that  Congress  is  bound  to  protect  him. 

Election  day  fell  on  the  6th  of  November,  in  1860.  Lincoln  came 
down  to  his  room  at  the  State  House,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He 
went  to  the  polls  in  the  late  afternoon,  and  cutting  his  own  name  from 
the  head  of  the  Republican  ticket,  cast  the  ballot. 

The  election  returns  began  to  arrive  in  the  evening.  Lincoln  and 
his  friends  withdrew  to  the  little  telegraph  office  on  the  village  square. 
Late  in  the  night  the  announcement  came  that  his  own  townspeople  had 
given  him  a  majority.  It  was  then  that  he  showed  his  first  emotion. 
Cannon  boomed  from  the  village  green.  The  villagers  remained  up 
until  daylight  shouting  and  singing. 

It  was  shortly  after  midnight  that  Lincoln  was  informed  of  his  election. 
"Boys,"  he  said,  "I  think  I  will  go  home  now,  for  there  is  a  little  woman 
there  who  would  like  to  hear  the  news."  Three  rousing  cheers  followed 
him  as  he  passed  out  into  the  night.  As  he  entered  his  bedroom  he  found 
his  wife  had  fallen  asleep.  He  touched  her  gently  on  the  shoulder.  "Mary!" 
She  made  no  answer.  He  spoke  again,  a  little  louder:  "Mary,  Mary! 
We  are  elected!" 

The  cheers  of  his  townspeople  rang  through  the  night,  but  on  his  heart 
there  now  rested  the  burden  of  the  nation. 


3fl 


Lincoln  as  he  entered  campaign  for  Presidency  at  SI  years  of  age. 

Original  negative  taken  in  June,  1860,  at  Springfield,  Illinois. 

Print  owned  by  Mr.  George  B.  Ayres — Copyright  1881 


Ambrotype  taken  August,  1860,  when  seventy  thousand  Westerners 
visited  Lincoln  at  his  home  in  Springfield,  Illinois— Age  51  years 

Original  in  collection  of  Mr.  William  H.  Lambert  of  Philadelphia 


THE  AFFECTION  OF  LINCOLN  FOR  HIS  HOME 


is  no  pinnacle  of  greatness  so  high  that  you  cannot  reach 
down  and  touch  hands  with  those  at  the  bottom.  When  Lincoln 
realized  that  he  had  been  lifted  to  the  highest  honor  within  the 
gift  of  the  American  people,  he  found  that  humanity  was  strug 
gling  at  his  feet.  He  found  that  while  he  had  secured  the  required 
majority  in  the  electoral  college,  ten  states  of  the  South  had  not  cast  a  bal 
lot  for  him;  that  while  he  had  received  the  votes  of  1,866,452  Americans 
who  were  opposed  to  slavery,  an  army  nearly  a  million  greater  had  cast 
their  ballots  against  him,  for  the  combined  votes  of  the  other  candidates 
reached  2,814,741. 

The  fearful  import  of  it  all  cast  its  shadow  upon  his  face.  The  cotton 
states  of  the  South  refused  to  abide  by  the  election.  Trade  was  paralyzed, 
banks  suspended,  and  the  national  treasury  was  nearly  bankrupt.  The 
states  in  the  South  began  to  secede.  The  North  became  bewildered  at 
the  grim  forebodings  of  the  end  of  the  republic.  Mobs  in  Boston  rose 
against  the  abolition  agitators,  charging  them  with  bringing  on  the  disaster. 

The  gentle,  peace-loving  man,  about  whom  the  storms  were  brewing, 
remained  silent.  His  heart  turned  to  the  old  log  cabin  days  and  to  the 
simple  woman,  who,  as  his  step-mother,  had  come  into  the  desolation  of 
his  boyhood.  It  was  a  long  drive  through  the  country,  and  the  river  was 
filled  with  running  ice,  but  he  made  the  dangerous  passage  and  arrived  at 
the  woman's  humble  cottage.  Tears  came  to  their  eyes,  as  she  embraced 
him  with  deep  emotion.  "Good  bye,  Abraham,"  she  said,  "I  know  I 
shall  never  see  you  again.  I  know  your  enemies  will  kill  you." 

The  tall,  sad-faced  man  caressed  her  and  said  gently:  "No,  no, 
mother;  they  will  not  do  that.  Trust  in  the  Lord  and  all  will  be  well." 

Then,  going  to  the  unmarked  and  neglected  grave  of  his  father,  he 
stood  over  it  in  reverie,  and  asked  that  a  suitable  tombstone  be  erected. 

It  was  now  his  last  day  in  Springfield.  He  went  to  the  old  law  office 
in  the  little  back  room,  and,  stretching  himself  out  on  the  worn  lounge,  he 
lay  there  a  moment  with  his  face  toward  the  ceiling.  "Billy,"  he  said, 
to  his  law  partner,  "let  the  old  sign  hang  there  undisturbed.  If  I  live, 
I'm  coming  back  sometime,  and  then  we'll  go  right  on  practicing  law  as 
if  nothing  had  ever  happened." 

Then  rising  and  walking  toward  the  door,  he  lingered  a  moment  as 
if  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  familiar  scenes  to  impress  them  on  his  memory, 
and,  turning  away,  passed  down  the  stairs  for  the  last  time. 


LINCOLN  GREETING  His  NEIGHBORS  FOR  THE  LAST  TIME  AT  His  OLD  HOME 


Photograph  taken  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  1861,  when  Lincoln  was  bidding 
farewell  to  his  townspeople  before  going  to  his  inauguration  at  Washington 


Negative  in  the  Collection  of  Americana  owned  by  Mr.  F.  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


CAPITOL  AT  WASHINGTON  WHEN  LINCOLN  WENT  TO  His  INAUGURATION 


Photograph  taken  while  the  crowd  was  gathering  for  the   inauguration  in    1861, 
showing   the    National    Capitol    of   the    Republic    in    course    of   its    construction 


Negative  in  Collection  of  Americana  owned  by  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


LINCOLN  AT  His  HOME  IN  SPRINGFIELD — Photograph  taken  early  in  1861    as  Lincoln  stood  with  his  two 
younger  sons  in  his  front  yard — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington 


WHITE  HOUSE  AS  LINCOLN  ENTERED  IT — Photograph  taken  at  Presidential  mansion  in  Washington,  in  1861, 
in  first  spring  of  Lincoln's  occupancy — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington 


THE  WILLINGNESS  OF  LINCOLN  TO  GIVE  HIS  LIFE 


^f^f^HE  final  test    of    a    man's    ability    is    responsibility.      The    calm 

/  dignity  of  Lincoln  in  the  storms  of  violence  that  were  thundering 

^^T  J  about   him   perplexed   the   people.      He  did   not  repent  of  "the 

crime   of   having  been  elected";  he  did  not  ask  forgiveness  nor 

apology;  neither  did  he  heed   the  warnings  that  were  flooding  upon  him 

from  all  parts  of  the  country,  begging  him  to  resign  or  to  compromise. 

The  day  arrived  for  him  to  start  for  Washington.  It  was  a  clear,  cold, 
winter  morning  —  the  eleventh  of  February  in  1861.  Lincoln  rose  long 
before  daylight  and  was  at  the  railroad  station  at  eight  o'clock.  Less  than 
a  hundred  people  were  there  to  shake  hands  with  him,  neighbors  who  had 
watched  him  rise  from  humbleness  to  greatness  and  who  knew  that  the 
gulf  was  so  narrow  that  they  could  clasp  hands  from  either  side. 

The  tall,  solemn  figure  stood  on  the  rear  platform  of  the  train  that 
was  about  to  bear  him  away.  The  snow  was  beginning  to  fall.  He  raised 
his  hand  to  silence  them,  and,  baring  his  head,  he  looked  into  their  faces. 
There  was  a  tear  on  his  cheek;  his  lips  quivered.  He  spoke  a  few 
words  of  encouragement,  and  bowed:  "I  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell!" 
The  train  pulled  away,  and  as  it  disappeared  from  view,  Lincoln,  the 
country  lawyer,  could  be  seen  still  lingering  on  the  platform. 

At  the  villages  and  cities  where  the  train  paused,  women  and  children 
threw  bouquets  into  the  car,  while  men  and  boys  shouted  for  "Lincoln." 

'To  the  salvation  of  the  Union  there  needs  but  one  thing,"  he  said, 
slowly,  "the  hearts  of  a  people  like  yours.  Of  the  people  when  they  rise  in  a 
mass  in  behalf  of  the  Union  and  the  liberties  of  their  country,  truly  may  it  be 
said  'the  gates  of  hell  cannot  prevail  against  them!'  3 

For  two  weeks  he  passed  through  the  principal  cities  of  the  North, 
leaving  words  of  encouragement  and  inspiration.  It  was  now  Washington's 
Birthday.  He  stood  at  Independence  Hall,  the  historic  shrine  where  the 
world  first  heard  the  Declaration  of  Independence  that  proclaimed  a  new 
era  of  civilization  in  which  all  men  are  politically  "free  and  equal." 

"If  this  country  cannot  be  saved  without  giving  up  that  principle  —  I 
would  rather  be  assassinated  on  this  spot  than  surrender  it!"  he  cried. 
The  words  thrilled  his  hearers.  The  voice  of  the  solemn  man  rang  through 
the  great  gathering:  "I  have  said  nothing  that  I  am  not  willing  to  live  by, 
and  if  it  be  the  pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  —  to  die  by!" 

It  was  the  clear,  clarion  note  of  a  Nation's  patriotism  —  a  man  was 
offering  his  own  life  as  a  sacrifice  for  the  country  that  he  loved. 


Photograph  taken  shortly  after  Lincoln's  election  to  the  Presidency. 

Believed  to  be  his  first  portrait  with  beard,  early  in  1861,  at  52 

years  of  age — Owned  by  Mr.  H.  W.  Fay,  DeKalb,  Illinois 


Photograph  taken  at   Springfield,   Illinois,  just  prior  to  Lincoln's 

departure    for  Washington   in    1861 — Original  negative  by 

F.  M.  McNulta — Now  owned  and  copyrighted,  1894, 

by  Mr.  Herbert  Wells  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois 


THE  FORTITUDE  OF  LINCOLN  IN  HOUR  OF  TRIAL 


^y^fj^HE  man  who  stands  for  a  principle  must  value  duty  higher  than 

/  life.     When  Lincoln  was  told  that  it  was  sworn  that  he  would 

^^T   V  never   enter  Washington  alive,  he  determined  to  die  if  need  be 

only  at  the  Nation's  capital  with  his  hand  at  the  helm  of  state. 

He  had  a  work  to  do  —  and  he  intended  to  do  it. 

His  journey  was  fraught  with  danger.  There  was  a  hurried  conference 
with  a  messenger  in  his  room  at  Harrisburg.  A  plot  had  been  discovered 
to  take  his  life.  Kissing  his  wife  and  children  good  bye,  he  left  them  sob 
bing  and  slipped  away  into  the  night  with  two  friends. 

When  Washington  awakened  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-fourth  of 
February,  it  was  startled  to  find  that  the  new  President,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
was  in  their  midst;  that  he  had  entered  the  capital  of  the  republic  on  a 
midnight  train  as  a  common  passenger,  unknown  and  unrecognized  by 
his  fellow-travelers,  —  a  stranger. 

The  National  capital  was  in  no  welcoming  mood.  It  was  a  Southern 
slave-holding  community  and  looked  upon  Lincoln  as  a  revolutionist  who 
intended  to  set  up  a  new  system  of  government  under  the  radical  doc 
trines  of  a  new  republican  party,  which  had  come  into  being  to  destroy 
their  property  rights.  The  statesmen,  who  had  known  slavery  as  an 
American  institution  from  the  founding  of  the  republic,  looked  upon  the 
new  party  as  a  menace  to  the  Nation  and  shook  their  heads  in  dismay. 
Here  was  a  man  who  would  upset  the  republic. 

At  daybreak  on  the  fourth  of  March,  in  1861,  the  city  of  Washington 
was  astir.  There  was  the  clatter  of  cavalry  and  the  tramp  of  the  militia 
in  the  streets.  The  Senate  had  been  in  session  the  whole  night  long  and 
the  drowsy  statesmen  walked  the  corridors  with  sullen  faces. 

At  noon  the  inaugural  procession  moved  slowly  over  the  historic  route 
which  almost  every  President  since  Jefferson  had  traveled  to  take  his  oath 
of  office.  Thousands  of  people  crowded  the  streets.  Around  the  presi 
dential  carriage  rode  the  protecting  guard  of  militia  to  thwart  any  attempt 
at  assassination.  Platoons  of  soldiers  were  stationed  along  the  avenue. 
Riflemen  were  posted  on  the  roof-tops,  watching  for  the  slightest  sign  of 
hostility,  while  cavalrymen  guarded  every  approach  from  the  side  streets. 

As  Lincoln  entered  the  Senate  chamber,  his  pale  face  and  black  attire 
brought  a  stillness  over  the  august  body.  He  was  leaning  on  the  arm  of  an 
old  man  withered  and  bowed  with  age  —  President  Buchanan,  from  whom 
he  was  now  to  lift  the  weight  of  a  crumbling  republic. 


44 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  early  in  1861  about  the  time  that  he 
entered  the  White  House— Original  negative  by  Alexander  Hesler 
of  Chicago — Print  owned  by  Mr.  Frank  A.  Brown  of  Minneapolis 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  just  before  leaving  Springfield  for  the 

White    House    in    1861,   age    52    years— Original   negative  by 

C   S.  German — Print  owned  by  Mr.  Allen  Jasper  Uonant 


THE  CRUMBLING  NATION  IN  LINCOLN'S  ARMS 

HEN  the  world  thinks  that  a  man  has  won,  his  struggles  have 
just  begun.  When  Lincoln  stood  before  the  throng  at  the 
steps  of  the  National  Capitol,  to  be  inaugurated  President  of 
the  United  States,  the  first  "government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  and  for  the  people,"  that  the  world  had  ever  known,  he  stood  as 
the  personification  of  the  principles  upon  which  the  republic  is  founded. 

Before  him  now  gathered  a  remarkable  group  of  men  who  had  made 
history.  Here  were  statesmen  who  had  served  their  country  through  long 
lives  of  distinguished  loyalty  and  had  seen  it  rise  from  the  war  with  England 
to  become  one  of  the  world's  greatest  powers.  Here  were  diplomats  of 
foreign  embassies  who  were  pledged  to  the  divine  rights  of  kings  and  shook 
their  heads  prophetically  as  they  agreed  that  the  theory  of  self-government 
was  now  to  take  its  place  as  the  heresy  of  civilization. 

Lincoln  rose  and  stood  before  them.  There  was  a  faint  cheer  from 
the  crowd  that  was  being  held  in  restraint  by  the  battalion  of  soldiers. 
Riflemen  scanned  the  scene  from  the  capitol  windows,  while  just  ahead 
moved  a  battery  of  flying  artillery. 

There  was  a  moment's  pause  as  Lincoln  moved  forward.  He  removed 
his  tall  silk  hat.  A  short,  heavy,  strong-featured  man  stretched  forth  his 
hand  and  took  it  from  him.  Lincoln  bowed  courteously  and  smiled.  It 
was  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  political  antagonist  of  his  whole  public  career, 
the  man  who  had  fought  him  through  every  step  of  progress,  and  who 
had  just  contested  him  for  the  crowning  honor  of  his  life — and  lost. 

"If  I  can't  be  President,"  he  whispered  to  a  member  of  the  Lincoln 
party,  "I  at  least  can  hold  his  hat." 

As  Lincoln  stood  there,  pledging  himself  to  preserve,  protect  and 
defend  the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  every  ear  was  strained  to  catch 
the  words  from  his  lips: 

"I  am  loath  to  close,"  he  said.  "We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends. 
We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must 
not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretch 
ing  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearth 
stone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when 
again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

A  hush  fell  over  the  assemblage.  The  oath  of  office  came  from  his 
lips.  The  cannons  of  the  battery  boomed.  And  Abraham  Lincoln,  the 
son  of  a  log  cabin,  held  the  future  of  a  nation  in  his  arms. 


THE  DETERMINED  WILL  OF  LINCOLN  AMONG  MEN 

OJVER  is  not  so  much  what  a  man  can  accomplish  as  what  he 
can  lead  others  to  do.  Lincoln  had  the  ability  to  lead  men. 
It  was  with  a  heavy  heart  that  he  entered  the  White  House. 
The  South  had  insisted  upon  the  supremacy  of  the  state  as  the 
true  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  and  to  uphold  this  principle  seven 
historic  old  states  had  withdrawn  and  established  a  new  republic  to  be 
known  as  the  Confederate  States  of  America. 

The  Southern  Senators  and  Representatives  were  withdrawing  from 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  Federal  courts  were  suspending, 
and  the  stars  and  stripes  were  being  hauled  down  from  their  flagstaffs. 
The  prophecy  of  Lincoln  had  come  true  and  the  house  was  now  divided. 

Lincoln  gathered  his  cabinet  about  him.  Among  them  were  states 
men  who  had  opposed  him  for  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  and  who 
now  beheld  him  with  grave  perplexity.  They  were  strong  men  of  strong 
convictions,  but  they  could  little  comprehend  the  subtle  power  of  this 
strange  man  who  had  come  up  from  the  western  wilderness  and  taken 
control  of  their  government. 

Look  at  Lincoln  as  he  sat  in  his  cabinet  room.  Among  the  faces  of 
those  men  there  is  not  a  friend,  not  one  who  had  known  Lincoln  a  year 
before.  But  to  establish  the  new  spirit  of  republicanism  in  power,  he  had 
gathered  about  him  this  cabinet  composed  of  his  rivals  for  political  honors 
and  had  not  even  reserved  for  himself  the  appointment  of  one  personal 
friend  to  whom  he  might  now  turn. 

There  they  sat,  in  their  inability  to  measure  the  greatness  of  their 
chief,  contending  for  leadership  and  power,  only  to  find  at  last  that  a  mighty 
man  may  come  from  the  rough  paths  through  the  woods,  one  who  takes 
his  heart  from  the  oak  and  his  judgment  from  the  mountain  rocks. 

In  the  corridors  of  the  White  House  strode  the  wily  politicians  in  the 
wild  stampede  for  office  in  the  new  political  party  that  had  come  into  power 
for  the  first  time.  Within — was  dissension  and  misunderstanding,  political 
prowess  and  manipulation.  Without — were  the  rumbles  of  discontent  and 
threats  of  war.  But  there  sat  Lincoln,  with  words  of  hope  and  courage, 
turning  away  impatience  and  wrath  with  pointed  stories  of  wit  and  phi 
losophy,  holding  the  threads  of  a  nation  together  with  the  keen  insight 
of  human  nature  and  the  instinctive  understanding  of  men,  while  in  his 
mind  he  was  working  out  the  solution  in  the  mighty  problem  of  maintaining 
the  American  people  one  and  inseparable. 


Lincoln's  Vice-President  in  1861-1865 
HANNIBAL  HAMLIN  of  Maine 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  War  in  1862-1865 
EDWIN  M.  STANTON  of  Ohio 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  War  in  1861-1862 
SIMON  CAMERON  of  Pennsylvania 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  State  in  1861-1865 
WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD  of  New  York 


PHOTOGRAPHS  OF  MEMBERS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CABINET 


Original  negatives  taken  from  1861-1865  by  Mathew  Brady  of  Washington.     Now  in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection 
of  Seven  Thousand  Negatives  deposited  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


THE  TRUE  TEST  OF  LINCOLN'S  STATESMANSHIP 


^f^^jHE   man  who  can  control  other  men    without    their    realizing    it 

m  is  in  himself  great.     The  firm  decision  of  gentleness   has   won 

^^F    J  more  victories  than  aggressive  force.     The  statesmen   sitting  in 

Lincoln's  political  family  all  felt  that  in   experience   and   judg 

ment  they  were  much  greater  than  their  chief;  each  man  was   confident 

that    he    alone    was    the    real    master    of  the   situation.     Now  they  were 

advising,  now  threatening,   now   demanding.      Clamor   and    intrigue    sur 

rounded  him. 

"Let  the  Union  slide,"  shouted  the  abolitionists. 

"Let  the  South  go  her  way.  The  North  can  take  care  of  itself," 
cried  the  financial  powers. 

"Wayward  sisters,  depart  in  peace,"  exclaimed  the  venerable  patriot 
of  two  wars  who  was  now  in  command  of  the  Federal  Army. 

Lincoln  heard  the  words  but  made  no  reply. 

"Turn  public  attention  immediately  by  waging  a  war  with  some 
foreign  nation  on  some  pretext  or  other  and  thus  force  the  South  to  unite 
with  the  North  to  protect  themselves  against  foreign  invasion,"  advised 
the  most  distinguished  member  of  the  cabinet. 

"We  must  change  the  question  before  the  public  from  one  upon 
slavery  or  about  slavery,  to  one  upon  union  or  disunion,"  he  urged.  "I 
would  demand  explanations  (on  the  Monroe  Doctrine)  from  Spain  and 
France,  energetically,  at  once  .  .  .  and  if  not  received  ...  I  would  convene 
Congress  and  declare  war  against  them.  I  would  seek  explanations  from 
Great  Britain  and  Russia,  and  send  agents  into  Canada,  Mexico,  and 
Central  America  to  arouse  a  vigorous  spirit  of  continental  independence." 

But  the  man  in  the  White  House  remained  calm.  He  betrayed  no 
emotion  of  anger  against  the  insinuations  nor  boastful  self-confidence. 

o  o 

Whether  it  was  to  be  war  or  peace,  union  or  disunion,  life  or  death,  he 
took  the  fearful  burden  of  it  wholly  upon  his  own  shoulders,  with  the  simple 
words  that  whatever  the  course  might  be:  "I  must  do  it." 

"Remind  the  British  that  we  have  whipped  them  in  two  wars,"  urged 
the  cabinet  adviser,  "and  are  ready  to  fight  them  again,  and,  if  need  be, 
two  or  three  other  European  powers  at  the  same  time." 

Lincoln  sat  at  his  cabinet  table,  with  his  eyes  looking  out  of  the 
window  on  the  soldiers  that  guarded  the  White  House,  as  if  peering  into 
the  future.  "One  war  at  a  time,"  he  said,  softly.  "One  war  at  a  time." 

Native  common  sense  was  now  in  contest  with  statesmanship. 


50 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  Treasury  in  1861-1864 
SALMON  P.  CHASE  of  Ohio 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  1861-1865 
GIDEON  WELLES  of  Connecticut 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in  1861-1865 
CALEB  B.  SMITH  of  Indiana 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Lincoln's  Postmaster-General  in  1861-1864 
MONTGOMERY  BLAIR  of  Maryland 

Now  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 

at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


PHOTOGRAPHS  OF  MEMBERS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CABINET 


Original  negatives  taken  from  1861-1865  by  Mathew  Brady  of  Washington 


THE  STRENGTH  OF  LINCOLN  IN  A  NATION'S  PERIL 

MAN  must  be  willing  to  resign  to  the  inevitable,  but  he  must 
first  be  sure  that  it  is  the  inevitable.  Lincoln  knew  that  every 
stroke  of  the  hour  was  now  moving  him  toward  it;  that  there 
was  no  human  power  that  could  resist  it.  All  that  he  could  now 
do  was  to  meet  it  with  the  courage  and  resignation  of  manhood. 

It  was  on  the  twelfth  of  April  in  1861 — the  day  was  Friday.  Lincoln 
had  arisen  with  the  dawn  and  was  sitting  at  his  morning  duties  in  the 
executive  mansion  when  a  messenger  approached. 

"They  have  fired  on  Fort  Sumter!"     he  exclaimed. 

The  message  startled  the  National  capital  and  passed  from  city  to 
city  until  it  had  aroused  the  continent  and  was  echoing  around  the  world. 
The  ancient  monarchies  well  understood  its  meaning. 

The  American  Flag  had  been  assailed;  not  by  a  foreign  foe,  but  by 
its  own  sons.  The  sound  of  that  shot  was  like  the  tap  of  a  drum  calling 
its  people  to  arms.  The  South,  inspired  by  its  own  convictions,  rose  in 
courage  and  cheered.  The  North  sprang  to  its  guns  in  an  outburst  of 
frenzied  patriotism.  The  bonds  of  brotherhood  were  now  severed.  The 
whole  people  cried  out  for  war. 

Excited  groups  of  statesmen  gathered  at  the  White  House.  Party 
dogmas  and  doctrines  were  forgotten.  Diplomatic  relations  and  policies 
were  set  aside.  Political  enemies  clasped  hands  and  pledged  themselves 
to  the  service  of  their  country. 

Lincoln  walked  among  them,  grave  and  calm.  All  day  long  came 
the  news  of  the  deadly  fire  in  the  ramparts  of  Fort  Sumter.  Lincoln  shook 
his  head  as  he  listened  to  the  despatches  that  told  of  the  brave  defense 
of  the  little  garrison,  who  for  thirty-four  hours  stood  at  their  post,  enveloped 
in  sheets  of  flame,  and  when  they,  too,  faced  the  inevitable,  marched  bravely 
out  on  that  Sunday  afternoon  with  colors  flying  and  drums  beating,  saluting 
the  bullet-ridden  flag  of  the  Union  with  fifty  guns  as  it  was  lowered  from 
its  staff. 

The  Confederate  States  of  America  had  now  proclaimed  their  empire. 
The  sovereignty  of  the  state  had  now  been  baptized  by  shot  and  shell. 
The  last  vestige  of  "federal  despotism,"  as  they  looked  upon  it,  was  now 
driven  from  their  soil  and  the  American  people  stood  arrayed  against  each 
other  in  two  mighty  republics,  ready  and  waiting  to  lay  down  their  lives 
on  the  fields  of  battle  for  the  sake  of  the  principles  which  each  held  more 
precious  than  life.  The  inevitable  had  come. 


52 


Lincoln's  Attorney-General  in  1861-1863 
EDWARD  BATES  of  Missouri 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Lincoln's  Assistant  Secretary  of  War 
CHARLES  A.  DANA  of  New  York 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield ,  Massachusetts 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1864- 1865 
WILLIAM  P.  FESSENDEN  of  Maine 

Now  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 
at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  Interior  in  1863-1865 
JOHN  P.  USHER  of  Indiana 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


PHOTOGRAPHS  OF  MEMBERS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CABINET 


Original  negatives  taken  from  1861-1865  by  Mathew  Brady  of  Washington 


THE  FAITH  OF  LINCOLN  IN  THE  COMMON  PEOPLE 


^y^ffjHE   heart  of  the  people  has  never  faded   to    respond    when    duty 

m  calls  it  —  and  never  will.     The  great  army  of  humanity  that   has 

^^T  J  come   down   through   the   ages   in   endless   procession    since    the 

world    began    may  have    seemed    to   waver  at  times  under    the 

sieges  of  fire,  but  its  lines  have  never  been  known  to  break  when  standing 

on  the  battle-line  of  civilization. 

And  so  it  was  when  Lincoln  called  for  volunteers  to  defend  the  nation's 
flag,  and  the  Confederacy  marshaled  its  sons  under  the  new  standard  of 
the  Stars  and  Bars.  Throughout  the  North  could  be  heard  the  tramp 
of  marching  men.  Over  the  green  plantations  of  the  South  rolled  the 
call  to  arms.  From  village  to  village  sounded  the  drumbeat  of  the  Union. 
Men  left  their  plows  and  laid  down  their  tools  of  labor  to  take  up  arms 
in  defense  of  their  homes  and  their  country,  while  wives  and  mothers  prayed. 

The  tragedy  of  it  all  lay  before  the  eyes  of  Lincoln.  The  flag  of  the 
Confederacy  floated  on  the  bluffs  across  the  Potomac  River  in  Virginia. 
In  the  streets  before  him  were  women  fleeing  with  their  children  to  the 
hills.  Great  wagons  of  ammunition  and  provisions  thundered  over  the 
thoroughfares.  Outside,  at  the  door,  he  could  hear  the  gruff  voices  of  the 
soldiers  barricading  his  home  into  a  fortress.  Office  seekers  and  statesmen 
walked  the  corridors  of  the  White  House  with  muskets  and  revolvers. 

Lincoln,  turning  to  his  wife  and  children,  urged  them'  to  flee  from  the 
city  in  safety.  The  terror-stricken  woman  looked  into  the  sad  face  of 
her  husband,  and,  clinging  to  his  arm,  whispered,  "I  am  as  safe  as  you. 
I  shall  never  leave  you  here  alone." 

It  was  five  o'clock  in  the  evening  on  the  nineteenth  of  April,  in  1861. 
Lincoln  stood  at  the  window  in  the  White  House.  Far  down  the  street, 
he  could  see  a  great  body  of  men  moving  nearer  and  nearer  —  the  men 
of  the  North,  who  had  heard  his  call  and  had  come  to  the  defense  of 
their  country,  —  dusty,  torn  and  bleeding.  On  their  faces  was  grim  deter 
mination.  Behind  them,  in  single  file,  came  seventeen  stretchers  bearing 
the  wounded.  Their  dead  they  had  left  behind  in  the  streets  of  Baltimore, 
where,  a  few  hours  before,  they  had  shed  the  first  blood  for  the  Union. 

On  came  the  volunteers,  pouring  floods  of  men  into  the  national 
capital,  until,  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  three  hundred  thousand  were 
marching  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  from  every  hill  and  valley 
throughout  the  land  echoed  the  refrain:  "We  are  coming,  Father  Abraham, 
three  hundred  thousand  more!" 


Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1865 
HUGH  McCuLLOCH  of  Indiana 

Now  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 
at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


Lincoln's  Attorney-General  in  1864-1865 
JAMES  SPEED  of  Kentucky 

Now  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Lincoln's  Postmaster-General  in  1864-1865 
WILLIAM  DENNISON  of  Ohio 

Now  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 
at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


Lincoln's  Second  Vice-President  in  1865 
ANDREW  JOHNSON  of  North  Carolina 

Now  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 
at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


PHOTOGRAPHS  OF  MEMBERS  OF  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN'S  CABINET 


Original  negatives  taken  from  1861-1865  by  Mathew  Brady  of  Washington 


THE  ABILITY  OF  LINCOLN  TO  OVERCOME  DEFEAT 


^f^fj^HERE  is  one  quality  that  always  comes  to  the  aid  of   a    man    in 

/  time  of  adversity  —  it  is  patience.      This  has  never  been  demon- 

^^F    J  strated  more  forcibly  than  in  the  experience  of  Lincoln    during 

the  early  days  when  the  American  people  were  in  fratricidal  war. 

Congress  authorized  an  army  of  a  half  million  men,  with  a  half  billion 
dollars  to  support  it.  The  Confederacy  marshaled  its  strongest  sons 
to  defend  its  capital  at  Richmond.  The  North,  with  the  courage  of  its 
great  army  and  wealth,  was  eager  to  pit  itself  against  the  new  republic 
and  appealed  to  Lincoln  to  strike  the  fatal  blow.  But  Lincoln,  always 
with  hope  in  his  heart  that  some  unforeseen  power  would  avert  the 
tragedy,  waited  patiently.  The  North,  in  its  impatience,  charged  him 
with  being  a  coward. 

Lincoln  listened  to  the  abuse  without  reply.  It  was  now  July— 
the  twenty-first  day.  The  sun  rose  hot  on  that  Sunday  morning.  Lincoln 
went  to  church.  Suddenly  the  city  was  aroused.  The  two  great  armies 
were  standing  face  to  face  at  Manassas,  but  thirty-two  miles  from  Wash 
ington.  Couriers  hurried  to  the  White  House.  There  was  deep  anxiety 
on  the  face  of  the  President.  The  North  and  South  were  in  battle.  The 
two  great  fighting  forces  were  in  deadly  combat. 

'The  Union  army  is  victorious!"  Crowds  waited  anxiously  for  the 
next  word.  The  dispatches  ceased  coming.  The  prolonged  silence  per 
plexed  the  watchers  and  they  were  seized  with  a  strange  fear. 

It  was  six  o'clock  in  the  evening.  A  statesman  hurried  to  the  White 
House  and  asked  excitedly  for  Lincoln. 

"The  battle  is  lost,"  he  exclaimed.     "The  Confederates  are  coming!" 

Lincoln  quietly  turned,  and,  without  a  word,  went  to  the  War  Depart 
ment.  The  telegraph  instruments  were  ticking  the  story  of  the  fearful 
disaster  and  the  probable  capture  of  Washington.  Turning  to  the  door, 
he  returned  to  the  White  House,  and  threw  himself  onto  a  lounge. 

It  was  midnight  when  the  routed  army  staggered  across  Long  Bridge 
into  the  city,  and  when  morning  dawned  the  defeated  soldiers  were  pouring 
into  Washington  in  great  streams  of  frightened  humanity. 

Lincoln  still  lay  on  the  lounge.  His  deep  set  eyes  had  not  closed 
during  the  long  night.  But  beneath  them  there  seemed  to  brood  a  new 
strength.  He  arose  and  greeted  the  disheartened  soldiers  with  the  grasp 
of  a  warm  heart.  On  his  face  was  a  fixed  expression  of  determination  — 
the  determination  of  a  man  who  had  learned  how  to  grow  strong  in  defeat. 


56 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  seated  with  his  secretaries,  Nicolay  and  Hay — Taken  in 

Springfield,  Illinois,  in  1861,  just  before  leaving  for  Washington — Print 

in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Photograph  presented  by  Lincoln  to  Mrs.  Lucy  G.  Speed,  on  October  3,  1861 

on   which  he  inscribed  his  autograph — Negative  in   the  Collection  of 

Americana  in  possession  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


THE  HOPEFULNESS  OF  LINCOLN  IN  MISFORTUNE 

MAN  who  spends  his  time  fighting  over  old  battles  is  surely 
lost.  Life,  in  its  shortness,  gives  us  no  opportunity  to  re-live 
the  lost  days.  The  only  value  of  yesterday  is  the  experience 
that  we  learned  from  it;  otherwise  nature  would  never  have 
given  us  memory. 

Lincoln  understood  life.  Bull  Run  was  nothing  more  than  the  price 
that  is  paid  for  experience.  His  life  had  been  full  of  Bull  Runs,  and  from 
every  defeat  he  had  gained  a  great  victory. 

The  wrath  of  the  North  now  fell  upon  him.  Famine  began  to  lay  its 
hand  upon  the  country.  The  nation  was  overwhelmed  in  debt.  The 
army  was  costing  more  than  two  millions  of  dollars  a  day — and  yet  no 
battles  were  being  won.  Men  pressed  about  him  with  conflicting  advice. 
Cabinet  ministers  charged  him  with  incompetency.  His  friends  appealed 
to  him  to  resign,  or  to  march  his  armies  against  the  capital  of  the  Con 
federacy  and  conquer  it  by  overwhelming  numbers. 

The  generals  upon  whom  he  relied,  failed  to  meet  the  emergencies. 
The  mighty  Confederacy  strengthened  its  power  of  government  and  slowly 
but  firmly  drew  its  lines  more  tightly  around  the  nation's  capital. 

As  Lincoln  sat  surrounded  by  his  family,  the  battle-line  crossed  the 
very  threshold  of  his  home.  A  Southerner  by  birth,  he  found  many  of  his 
dearest  friends  under  the  flag  of  the  Confederacy.  Mrs.  Lincoln's  own 
family  were  arrayed  against  the  Union.  Her  sisters  were  parted  from  her 
by  the  war,  and  their  husbands  were  fighting  against  her  husband's  cause. 
When  the  news  came  of  the  Union  victory  at  Shiloh,  and  Mrs.  Lincoln 
found  it  her  duty  to  receive  in  honor  of  the  victorious  soldiers,  one  of  her 
own  brothers,  the  darling  of  her  heart,  lay  dead  in  a  uniform  of  gray  on 
that  battlefield. 

Lincoln,  with  the  terrible  imprint  of  it  all  being  written  upon  his 
countenance,  stood  for  hours  with  his  big  white  gloved  hand  grasping 
the  hands  of  the  passing  throng,  but  his  eyes  were  looking  far  beyond  into 
the  trenches  of  the  humanity  that  he  loved.  And  when  he  received  the  news 
of  the  terrible  slaughter  at  Antietam,  where,  in  defense  of  the  nation's 
capital,  the  army  in  blue  withstood  the  army  in  gray  and  forced  it  back  on 
to  its  own  soil,  Lincoln,  with  his  heart  overflowing  with  hope  in  the  belief 
that  now  the  war  was  to  cease,  went  to  the  battlefield  and  looked  into 
the  faces  of  the  soldiers  upon  whom  he  relied  in  this  hour  of  need. 


LINCOLN  IN  CAMP  WITH  THE  ARMY  AT  ANTIETAM 


Photograph  taken  on   October    3,     1862,  when   Lincoln  was 

standing  in  front  of  General   McClellan's  tent — Taken 

by  Mathew  Brady,   Government    Photographer 


Original  negative  in  the  Brady  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 
Copyright,  1910,  by  the  Patriot  Publishing  Company 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  ON  BATTLEFIELD  OF  ANTIETAM  UNDER  GUARD  OF  THE  SECRET  SERVICE 


jsi  -- 

Springfield,  Massachusetts— Copyright,  1907,  by  Mr   Edward  Bailey  Eaton 


LINCOLN-  WITH  His  GENERALS — Photograph  taken  in  the  army  of  the  Potomac  at  Antietam,  on  October  3,  1862, 

while  Lincoln  was  addressing  General  McClellan  and  staff — Negative  in  Brady-Gardner  Collection 

at  Springfield,   Massachusetts — Copyright,  1907,  by  Mr.   Edward  Bailey  Eaton 


LINCOLN  WITH  His  SOLDIERS  AT  THE  BATTLE-LINE — Photograph  taken  while  Lincoln  was  inspecting 

conditions  m  army  at  Antietam  on  October  3,    1862 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady — 

Print  in  Collection  of   Mr.  C.  M.   Derickson  of  Monessen,   Pennsylvania 


PRESIDENT    LINCOLN    IN    GENERAL     MCCLELLAN'S     TENT    AT    BATTLE    GROUNDS    OF    ANTIETAM 

Original  negative  taken  by  Mathew  Brady  on  October  3,  1862,  while  Lincoln  was  in_  conference 

with  General  McClellan  a  few  days  after  the  great  battle — Now  deposited  in  the 

Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyright,  1907, 

by  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton  and  valued  at  ten  thousand  dollars 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  IN  THE  SECOND  YEAR  OF  THE  AMERICAN  CIVIL  WAR 

Original  negative  taken  by  Mathew   Brady  in  Washington,   in    1862 
Print  owned  by  Mr.  Baldwin  Coolidge  of  Boston,  Massachusetts 


THE  MIGHT  OF  LINCOLN  IN  HIS  COUNTRY'S  CRISIS 

3N  every  man's  life  there  are  times  when  the  burdens  that  press  upon 
him  are  beyond  all  human  endurance;  when  patience  is  no  longer 
a  virtue,  and  all  the  powers  within  him  demand  decision  and  action. 
Lincoln  found  that  there  was  a  moment  when  even  sympathy  and 
diplomacy  must  give  way  to  the  destiny  of  mankind;  when  it  must  work 
out  its  own  salvation  or  destruction  with  the  blood  of  men. 

It  was  five  days  after  the  battle  of  Antietam — the  twenty-second  day 
of  September  in  1862.  Members  of  the  cabinet  were  seated  in  secret 
session.  Lincoln  sat  with  a  book  in  his  hands.  The  faces  of  the  states 
men  were  stern.  He  did  not  seem  to  notice  them  as  they  entered.  Then, 
turning  to  them,  he  said:  ''Gentlemen,  did  you  ever  read  anything  from 
Artemus  Ward  ?  Let  me  read  you  a  chapter  that  is  very  funny." 

A  look  of  anger  passed  over  the  ministers.  Lincoln  laughed  heartily; 
not  a  member  of  the  cabinet  smiled. 

"Well,"  he  said,  "let's  have  another  chapter."  He  continued  to  read 
with  great  deliberation.  The  statesmen  were  astonished.  Abruptly,  he 
threw  the  book  down,  and  exclaimed:  "Gentlemen,  why  don't  you  laugh  ? 
With  the  fearful  strain  that  is  upon  me  night  and  day  if  I  do  not  laugh  I 
shall  die,  and  you  need  this  medicine  as  much  as  I  do." 

His  face  and  his  tone  became  grave.  Turning  to  his  tall  silk  hat  that 
lay  upon  the  table,  he  took  a  paper  from  it.  He  gazed  for  a  moment  at 
his  ministers.  "I  have  called  you  here,"  he  said  slowly,  "upon  very 
important  business.  I  have  prepared  a  little  paper  of  much  signifi 
cance  ...  I  have  said  nothing  to  any  one,  but  I  have  made  a  promise  to 
myself — and  to  my  Maker.  I  am  now  going  to  fulfill  that  promise." 

Holding  the  sheets  before  him,  he  began  to  read.  His  voice  was  low 
but  firm:  "On  the  first  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1863, 
all  persons  held  as  then  slaves  in  any  state  or  designated  part  of  a  State, 
the  people  whereof  shall  then  be  in  rebellion  against  the  United  States, 
shall  be  then,  thenceforth  and  forever  free." 

The  statesmen  were  silent.  The  tremendous  meaning  of  it  all  flooded 
upon  them.  The  man  upon  whom  they  had  looked  as  without  power  of 
decision,  sat  before  them  with  grim  determination.  In  the  might  of 
decision,  he  had  with  a  single  blow  issued  to  the  world  a  proclamation 
that  was  to  break  the  shackles  of  bondage  and  to  shake  the  foundations 
of  civilization. 

The  news  swept  through  the  army.  "Lincoln  has  freed  the  slaves!" 
The  North  shouted  in  exultation.  The  South  retorted  in  defiance. 


PHOTOGRAPH  TAKEN  AFTER  THE  FIRST  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION 

Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady  at  Washington  in  September,  1862,  age  53  years 
Print  in  possession  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


THE  HAND  OF  LINCOLN  ON  THE  CHAIN  OF  BONDAGE 


^y^^j^l'-     greatest    gift    that    man     has    ever   known    is    moral   courage. 

/  It  is  the  secret  power  that  makes  men  rise    above    themselves 

^^^  V  and  rule  their  destiny.     It  is  a  legacy  that  is  bequeathed  to  every 

living  man  to  use  or  not  to  use  according  to    his    own    desire. 

You  are  your  own  master  of  your  God-given  fortunes  and  you  alone  are 

held  accountable  for  them. 

The  Confederacy  reeled  at  the  blow  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
and  referred  to  it  as  the  "most  execrable  measure  recorded  in  the  history 
of  guilty  man."  Lincoln  understood  the  responsibility  upon  him.  He  saw 
in  it  the  omen  of  racial  and  social  strife  to  come. 

"I  do  it,"  he  said,  "only  to  save  the  Union  ...  I  can  only  trust  in 
God." 

It  was  New  Year's  Day  in  1863.  The  White  House  was  a  scene  of 
social  brilliancy.  Ministers  from  foreign  nations,  senators  and  congress 
men  and  army  officers  gathered  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  courageous 
republic.  Lincoln  stood  among  them  with  words  of  cordial  greeting. 
Passing  from  them,  he  entered  the  executive  chamber.  He  seated  himself 
at  the  long  cabinet  table.  Before  him  lay  a  broad  sheet,  the  words  of  which 
were  engrossed  in  heavy  letters.  He  raised  his  pen,  and,  dipping  it  in  the 
ink,  moved  his  hand  to  the  place  for  the  signature.  Hesitating  a  moment, 
he  dropped  the  pen.  Turning  toward  the  cabinet  minister,  and  his  son, 
who  were  the  only  persons  in  the  room,  he  said:  "I  never,  in  my  life,  felt 
more  certain  that  I  was  doing  right  than  I  do  in  signing  this  paper.  But 
I  have  been  shaking  hands  since  nine  o'clock  this  morning,  till  my  arm 
is  stiff  and  numb.  If  my  name  goes  into  history  it  will  be  for  this  act,  and 
my  whole  soul  is  in  it.  If  my  hand  trembles  when  I  sign  this  proclamation, 
they  will  say:  'He  hesitated.'  ' 

Turning  again  to  the  table,  he  took  up  the  pen,  and  slowly  but  firmly 
wrote  at  the  close  of  tie  document  —"Abraham  Lincoln."  He  sat  for  a 
moment  with  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  signature.  Looking  up,  he  smiled  and 
said:  "That  will  do!" 

His  hand  fell  by  his  side  the  hand  that  by  a  single  stroke  had  un 
chained  a  race  that  had  been  held  in  bondage  almost  since  the  world  began. 
The  cabinet  member  left  the  room.  Lincoln  looked  straight  ahead  as 
though  into  the  future.  The  lines  were  chiseled  deep  about  his  lips.  He 
seemed  to  be  listening  as  though  he  could  hear  the  clanking  shackles 
break  from  the  arms  of  three  million  human  beings,  as  though  he  could 
hear  the  anguished  sigh  that  arose  from  three  million  human  hearts. 


06 


PHOTOGRAPH  OF  LINCOLN  SHORTLY  AFTER  THE  SIGNING 
OF  THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION 


Original  negative  taken  by  Alexander  Gardner  at  Washington,  in  1863,  when 
Lincoln,  age  54,  broke  the  chains  that  had  bound  three  million  slaves 


Negative  in  the  Collection  of  Americana  of  Frederick  H.  Meserve,  New  York 


THE  GREATEST  SACRIFICE  OF  LINCOLN'S  LIFE 


E  who  forgets  that  he  was  once  a  child  is  not  a  man.  The  dearest 
memories  that  most  of  us  possess  are  those  of  childhood;  we 
look  back  at  those  long  lost  days  with  fondest  recollections.  Lin 
coln  never  got  so  far  that  he  could  not  hear  the  call  of  the  whip- 
poor-will  and  brown  thrush  singing  in  those  old  Kentucky  forests  far  away. 

Lincoln  loved  children.  He  had  three  sons,  another  having  died  in 
infancy.  The  army  to  him  was  but  somebody's  boys — his  boys;  over  two 
million  boys  under  twenty-one  years  of  age;  a  million  not  even  eighteen; 
eight  hundred  thousand  less  than  seventeen;  two  hundred  thousand  had 
not  reached  sixteen;  while  one  hundred  thousand  children  less  than  fifteen 
years  of  age  were  standing  on  the  battle-line  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 

It  was  during  the  darkest  days  of  the  war,  that  Lincoln  was  called  upon 
to  make  his  own  sacrifice.  The  White  House  was  the  scene  of  a  brilliant 
reception.  The  President,  with  his  wife  leaning  on  his  arm,  entered  the 
room  where  the  dignitaries  of  the  world  were  gathered  to  meet  him.  The 
notes  of  the  Marine  Band  floated  far  away  to  the  chamber  where  the 
companion  of  his  heart  lay  in  fever — his  twelve-year-old  boy,  Willie.  The 
night  passed  slowly.  Lincoln  left  the  ball-room  and  went  to  the  chamber. 

"He  is  not  as  well  tonight,"  remarked  the  physician.  "He  may  be 
better  in  a  few  days."  The  passing  hours  were  filled  with  messages  from 
the  boys  who  were  dying  on  the  field  of  battle.  Lincoln  turned  again  to 
his  own  chamber.  His  head  was  bowed  with  grief.  He  came  to  the  bed, 
and,  lifting  the  cover  from  the  face  of  his  child,  he  gazed  into  it. 

"My  poor  boy,"  he  murmured.  "He  was  too  good  for  this  earth. 
God  has  called  him  home.  I  know  he  is  much  better  off  in  heaven,  but 
we  loved  him  so.  It  is  hard  hard — to  have  him  die!"  Great  sobs  choked 
his  words.  He  bowed  his  head  in  his  hands,  and  his  gaunt  frame  shook. 

Those  of  you  who  have  lost  sons,  stand  with  him  here  a  moment. 
Listen  to  the  sobs  of  the  broken-hearted  mother.  Look  upon  the  grief 
of  a  father.  Bending  over  her  gently,  he  takes  her  by  the  arm  and  leads 
her  to  the  window:  "Mother,  do  you  see  that  large,  white  building  on  the 
hill  yonder?"  He  is  pointing  to  the  asylum  on  the  hill.  'Try  to  control 
your  grief,  for  it  will  drive  you  mad,  and  we  may  have  to  send  you  there." 

The  lifeless  body  of  the  beloved  boy  lay  in  the  green  room,  beneath 
his  office.  Strong  men  gathered  about  him,  ambassadors,  senators  and 
soldiers,  all  struggling  with  their  tears — for,  whatever  the  dissensions  of 
life  may  be,  this  is  a  moment  when  all  the  world  has  a  heart  in  common. 


Photograph  of  President   Lincoln's  son,  William  Wallace 

Lincoln,  who  died  at  the  White  House,  February  20, 

1862,  at   twelve    years   of    age — Collection  of 

Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


Photograph  of  Thomas  (Tad)  Lincoln,  born  April  4,  18S3, 

who  became  the  companion  of  President  Lincoln  during 

his  last  years  in  the  White  House — The  oldest  son, 

Robert  Todd  Lincoln,  was  in  Harvard — 

Collection  of  Frederick  H.  Meserve 


THE  POWER  OF  LINCOLN  TO  CONQUER  HIMSELF 

RE  AT  achievements  are  but  the  accumulation  of  conquered  diffi 
culties.  As  we  look  over  our  own  experiences  we  find  that  there 
is  one  simple  truth  in  life  that  is  always  well  worth  remembering— 
our  richest  possessions  are  those  which  cost  us  the  most,  not  in 
money,  but  in  disappointments,  sacrifices,  and  hope.  The  Emancipation 
Proclamation  plunged  the  nation  into  despair.  It  was  a  bugle  call  to 
the  hosts  of  the  South  who  now  arose  in  vengeance  to  strike  a  staggering 
blow  at  the  man  who  had  despoiled  them  of  their  property. 

The  mighty  columns  of  the  Confederacy  were  now  sweeping  toward 
the  North,  vowing  that  they  would  unfurl  their  flag  over  the  capitol  at 
Washington  and  force  a  prostrate  nation  to  return  their  property  to  them. 
The  North,  stricken  with  terror,  called  for  the  resignation  of  Lincoln,  the 
man  who  was  responsible  for  the  disaster,  and  threatened  to  take  his  life. 

"I  shall  never  be  happy  again,"  he  said.  "My  life  springs  are  wearing 
out  and  I  shall  not  last  ...  I  long  ago  made  up  my  mind  that  if  any 
body  wants  to  kill  me,  he  may  do  it."  Then  he  added  dejectedly,  "How 
hard  it  is  to  die,  unless  I  can  make  the  world  understand  that  I  would 
be  willing  to  die  if  I  could  be  sure  I  am  doing  my  work  toward  lifting  the 
burdens  from  all  mankind!" 

It  was  a  bright  afternoon  in  May,  in  1863.  The  door  leading  to  the 
family  apartments  in  the  White  House  swung  open.  There  stood  Lincoln, 
holding  a  telegram  in  his  hand.  It  was  from  Chancellorsville. 

"My  God!  My  God!"  he  cried  in  broken  tones.  "What  will  the 
country  say  ?  Oh,  what  will  the  country  say  ? " 

He  tottered  to  a  chair,  and  sat  down.  As  the  night  fell  he  paced  the 
floor  in  deep  thought.  In  front  of  him  were  heaps  of  letters,  the  purport 
of  which  he  well  knew.  They  were  piteous  appeals  for  peace,  the  cries 
of  heart-stricken  mothers.  They  were  denunciations  branding  him  with 
the  blood  of  the  hundred  thousand  homes  that  were  being  left  fatherless. 

The  doors  of  the  room  were  ajar.  The  night  was  warm;  its  stillness 
was  broken  only  by  the  slow,  steady  tread  back  and  forth.  One  by  one 
the  hours  passed,  but  Lincoln,  with  head  bowed,  walked  the  chamber,  the 
steady  footfalls  breaking  the  silence.  A  battle  greater  than  Chancellors 
ville  was  raging  within  him.  When  the  morning  light  sifted  through  the 
window,  Lincoln,  his  eyes  heavy  with  sleeplessness,  sat  at  his  desk,  but 
his  face  was  strong  in  resignation.  A  great  battle  had  been  fought  that 
night — and  Lincoln  had  won  another  victory  over  himself. 


70 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  at  Washington  in  1863 

shortly  after  the  Battle  of  Chancellorsville — 

Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady 


Photograph  taken  the  Sunday  before  Lincoln  left  for  the 

Battlefield  of  Gettysburg  in  November,  1863 — 

Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady 


THE  HUMILITY  OF  LINCOLN  IN  HOUR  OF  VICTORY 


it  is  always  darkest  just  before  the  dawn  is  a  truth  that 
comes  to  every  man  sooner  or  later.  No  matter  how  hard  the 
storm  may  rage  there  is  always  a  break  in  the  clouds  through 
which  the  golden  light  floods  the  heart  with  warmth  and  hope. 

The  sun  rose  hot  on  the  first  morning  in  July,  in  the  year  1863.  Its 
scorching  rays  looked  down  on  two  great  armies  standing  face  to  face.  The 
legions  of  the  South,  on  their  onward  march  into  the  strongholds  of  the 
North,  stood  in  battle-line  against  the  hosts  in  blue  under  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  on  the  field  of  Gettysburg.  Nearly  two  hundred  thousand  strong, 
they  passed  through  the  fire  of  hell  for  the  sake  of  the  cause  that  they  loved. 
On  and  on  they  charged,  beneath  the  maddening  hail  of  iron,  into  the  ter 
rible  roar  and  din  of  belching  flame,  their  banners  flying;  and  when  the 
clouds  of  smoke  lifted  at  the  end  of  the  third  day,  more  than  fifty  thousand 
dead,  wounded  and  missing,  had  laid  down  their  lives  on  the  altar  of  sacrifice. 

Lincoln,  with  anxiety  and  anguish  on  his  face,  waited  for  the  tidings. 
When  the  news  came  to  him  that  the  flag  of  the  republic  had  triumphed, 
that  the  great  army  of  the  Confederacy  had  been  driven  from  Northern 
soil  and  was  fleeing  back  to  its  own  beautiful  valley  —  he  thanked  God. 

It  was  four  months  later  that  Lincoln  stood  on  the  battlefield  at 
Gettysburg.  Before  him  was  a  great  throng  of  people.  Garlands  of 
flowers  were  placed  upon  the  graves  of  the  heroes  who  had  given  their 
lives  on  the  sacred  ground  on  those  terrible  days  in  July.  The  chill  of 
November  had  now  fallen  upon  the  hills. 

Dressed  in  black,  the  somberness  and  ghastly  pallor  of  his  face  brought 
silence  to  the  multitude.  His  words,  as  if  by  magic,  fell  upon  their  ears: 
"Four  score  and  seven  years  ago,  our  fathers  brought  forth  on  this  conti 
nent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition 
that  all  men  were  created  equal." 

A  hush  fell  over  the  great  audience.  There  was  now  and  then  an 
outburst  of  suppressed  emotion.  The  notes  rang  clear.  "It  is  due  our 
own  who  have  died  here  .  .  .  This  nation  in  God  shall  have  a  new  proof 
of  freedom  .  .  .  Government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people, 
shall  not  perish  from  the  earth." 

The  tall,  solemn  figure  disappeared  from  view.  As  he  resumed  his 
seat  the  words  seemed  to  leap  from  man  to  man  across  the  continent  until 
the  American  people  were  inflamed  by  their  inspiration,  the  fires  of  which 
are  still  blazing,  and  will  forever  blaze,  down  through  the  generations. 


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Photograph  taken  about  the  time  of  the  Battle  of  Gettysburg 
in  1863 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady 


Photograph  taken  in  the  Brady  gallery  at  the  National  Capital 

in  1863  during  darkest  days  of  Civil  War— Original  negative 

by  Mathew    Bradv — L'fe  negative  in  Collection  of 

Americana  of  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


Photograph  taken  shortly  after  Lincoln  called  for  a  half 

million  more  men  in  1 864 — Original  negative  by 

Mathew  Brady  of  Washington 


Photograph  taken  when  Lincoln  was  seeking  a  General  for 

all  the  armies  of  the  Republic  in  1864 — Negative 

by  Mathew  Brady  at   Washington 


THE  SYMPATHY  OF  LINCOLN  FOR  THE  UNFORTUNATE 

OME  men  work  only  with  their  bands;  some  with  their  heads; 
others  with  their  hearts.  A  great  man  works  with  them  all — and 
of  such  was  Lincoln.  He  knew  that  any  man  who  tries  to  build 
his  life  upon  any  one  of  these  qualities,  at  the  expense  of  the 
other,  is  destined  to  failure.  Lincoln  began  life  with  his  hands;  his  first 
discovery  was  his  heart;  and  he  learned  to  control  them  both  with  his  head. 

Go  back  to  those  days  in  1864,  and  sit  with  him  in  his  cabinet.  The 
ministers  are  impatient  and  stubborn,  but  he  conquers  them  not  with  a 
scourge  of  discipline  but  with  pointed  wit.  An  officer  having  some  trouble 
with  Sherman,  hurries  to  Lincoln  and  reports  excitedly:  "Mr.  President, 
I  have  a  cause  of  grievance.  This  morning  I  went  to  see  Colonel  Sherman 
and  he  threatened  to  shoot  me!" 

"Threatened  to  shoot  you?"  exclaims  Lincoln  in  surprise.  "Well,  if 
I  were  you  I  would  not  trust  him — for  I  believe  he  would  do  it." 

Go  with  Lincoln  to  the  battlefields.  Stand  beside  him  as  he  aims 
the  guns  to  assure  himself  of  their  efficiency,  and  with  his  early  instinct 
scores  a  dozen  hits  in  fourteen  shots.  Sit  with  him  as  he  eats  at  their  mess 
tables  and  hear  him  exclaim,  "  How  willingly  would  I  exchange  places  today 
with  the  soldier  who  sleeps  on  the  ground  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac." 

He  knew  neither  pride  of  rank  nor  the  glory  of  war;  he  touched  his  hat 
to  the  General,  but  bared  his  head  to  the  boys  in  the  ranks.  The  mother's 
prayer,  the  father's  plea,  the  babies'  cry,  the  story  of  an  empty  sleeve  or 
a  crutch,  he  never  failed  to  hear.  Every  soldier  who  carried  a  musket  was 
his  son — all  were  his  children. 

'There  are  already  too  many  weeping  widows,"  he  protested  when 
asked  to  sign  execution  papers  against  deserters.  "For  God's  sake,  do  not 
ask  me  to  add  to  the  number,  for  I  won't  do  it!" 

A  girl  is  pleading  for  her  brother's  life;  he  has  been  condemned  to  die. 
He  is  speaking  to  her:  "My  poor  girl,  you  have  come  here  with  no  Gov 
ernor  or  Senator  or  member  of  Congress  to  plead  your  cause;  you  seem 
honest  and  truthful  ...  If  he  has  not  a  friend,  I  will  be  his  friend!" 

A  poor  widow  has  lost  five  sons  in  battle;  he  is  writing  to  her:  "I 
pray  our  Heavenly  Father  to  assuage  the  anguish  of  your  bereavement 
and  leave  only  the  memory  of  the  loved  and  lost,  and  the  solemn  pride 
that  must  be  yours  to  have  laid  so  costly  a  sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of 
freedom." 

Firm  and  determined — it  was  the  balance  of  justice. 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  early  in  1864  at  the  request  of  Secretary  Sewaid 

of  his  cabinet — Original   negative  by  Mathew  Brady  at  Washing  ion  — 

Now  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.   L.  C.  Handy  at  Washington 


Photograph  taken  about  the  time  of  the  Battle  of  Spottsylvania  Court  House 

in    1864 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady — Deposited 

in  the  War  Department  Collection  at  Washington 


THE  WORTH  OF  A  MAN  IN  LINCOLN'S  JUDGMENT 


^FB^jHERE   is  a  place  in  the  world  for  every  man  —  and    a    man    for 

m  every  place.     The  secret  is  in  securing  the   right    man  for  the 

^^^  J  right  place.     Lincoln  was  an  experimenter  with  men.      He  knew 

that  throughout  the   annals  of  mankind,    whenever    the    people 

are  in  danger,  somewhere,  sometime,  a  man   always  rises  among  them  to 

lead  their  cause. 

The  Confederacy  found  such  a  man  to  lead  their  army  at  the  begin 
ning  —  a  man  of  courage,  character,  and  nobility,  a  master  leader  of  men. 
The  Union  found  many  men,  brave,  loyal,  conscientious  —  but  it  had  not 
yet  found  the  right  man  for  the  right  place  at  the  right  moment.  Down 
in  the  Mississippi  valley,  Lincoln's  eyes  fell  upon  a  little,  silent  man 
who  was  fighting  his  way  through  almost  insurmountable  obstacles;  a  vol 
unteer,  who,  without  political  influence,  had  offered  his  services  to  his 
country  and  through  his  courage  was  leading  his  men  to  victory. 

It  was  early  in  March,  in  1864,  that  this  little,  silent  man  came  quietly 
to  Washington.  As  he  passed  through  the  streets,  leading  his  young  son 
by  the  hand,  he  wore  an  old  blue  uniform;  there  was  a  well-worn  army 
hat  on  his  head,  and  a  cigar  in  his  mouth. 

A  few  hours  later  he  entered  the  White  House.  Lincoln  rose  to  meet 
him.  His  kind,  sympathetic  face  looked  down  upon  the  stranger. 

"This  is  Ulysses  S.  Grant,"  he  exclaimed,  and  the  two  men  clasped 
hands.  It  was  a  moment  that  was  molding  the  future  of  the  western 
world.  Here  was  a  man  whose  life  at  thirty-nine  had  been  a  failure,  and, 
although  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  had  never  been  able  to  find  his  right 
place  in  the  world;  who,  before  the  war,  was  a  store  clerk  at  fifty  dollars 
a  month. 

As  Lincoln  stood  before  him,  to  bestow  upon  him  the  highest 
military  honor,  which  none  but  Washington  among  American  soldiers  had 
ever  borne  on  the  battlefield,  ministers  of  the  cabinet  gathered  about  him. 

"As  the  country  trusts  you,"  said  Lincoln,  profoundly,  "so  under 
God  will  it  sustain  you." 

The  silent,  little  man  bowed  as  he  took  the  commission  which  gave 
him  the  destiny  of  an  army.  "I  feel  the  full  weight  of  the  responsibilities 
devolving  upon  me,"  he  said,  "and  I  know  that  if  they  are  met  it  will  be 
due  to  those  armies,  and  above  all  to  the  favor  of  that  Providence  which 
loves  both  nations  and  men."  Declining  a  public  dinner  as  the  guest  of 
the  President,  he  pulled  his  worn  army  hat  down  over  his  eyes,  and  left 
the  White  House  to  marshal  about  him  the  legions  that  were  now  to  lead 
a  republic  to  glorious  triumph.  The  right  man  was  now  in  the  right  place. 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  the  time  that  Lincoln  met  Grant  in  1864— 

Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady  at  Washington — Life  negative 

in  Collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  the  time  of  Grant's  taking  command  of  the 

Army  in  1864 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady — Print  in 

Collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


^flj^^HERE    is    a  halfway  point  in  life  where  every  man  hesitates,  where 
M  he  is  undecided  whether  to  go  ahead  or  turn  back.     It  is  one  of 

^^^  V  the  most  difficult  moments  in  life,  when,  not    knowing   the    dis 
tance   before   him,   but  knowing    the    distance    behind    him,    he 
abandons  hope  with  success  just  around  the  next  turn  in  the  road. 

Lincoln  never  abandoned  hope;  if  he  had  there  would  be  no  United 
States  of  America  today.  "If  I  go  down,"  he  said,  "I  will  go  with  my 
colors  flying!"  But  a  thousand  men  with  hearts  less  stout  lost  hope 
and  appealed  to  him  to  turn  back,  until,  in  1864,  the  whole  American 
people  stood  at  the  point  of  hesitancy.  Lincoln  had  reached  the  end  of 
the  four  years'  administration  to  which  he  had  been  elected — years  of 
carnage  and  terror,  of  death  and  famine.  But  the  talons  of  war  still 
clutched  the  people,  tearing  their  hearts  and  hopes.  Politicians  protested 
that  he  had  been  given  his  opportunity  and  that  he  had  failed  to  fulfill 
his  promises.  The  new  Republican  party  declared  that  he  had  wrecked  it. 
His  cabinet  ministers  wavered;  one  of  them  offered  himself  to  the  people; 
while  Lincoln's  friends  appealed  to  him  to  give  up  the  struggle. 

"I  have  pledged  myself,"  he  replied,  "to  save  the  Union!" 

The  radicals  in  the  Republican  party  met  in  convention  and  nomi 
nated  one  of  Lincoln's  generals  in  the  army  for  President.  The  Demo 
crats  were  pledged  to  nominate  another  of  Lincoln's  generals  to  succeed 
him;  both  appealed  to  the  people  with  the  declaration  that  "the  war 
is  a  failure,"  and  promised  to  end  the  terrible  slaughter. 

Lincoln  answered  them  with  but  one  appeal:  "I  believe  that  the 
people  will  give  me  a  chance  to  finish  the  work  that  I  have  begun."  The 
sense  of  fair  play  always  surges  through  the  masses.  "Give  Lincoln  a 
chance,"  came  back  the  response  from  the  plain  people.  The  sentiment 
passed  through  the  country. 

When  Lincoln  heard  of  his  re-nomination  as  the  standard  bearer  of 
the  National  Union  League,  he  felt  that  the  American  people  were  still 
with  him,  although  he  knew  that  the  political  powers  would  conspire  to 
overwhelm  and  defeat  their  purpose. 

"I  do  not  allow  myself  to  suppose,"  he  said,  "that  they  have  con 
cluded  that  I  am  either  the  greatest  or  best  man  in  America,  but  rather 
they  have  concluded  that  it  is  not  best  to  swap  horses  while  crossing  a 
stream."  The  homely  phrase  caught  the  spirit  of  the  American  people, 
and  Lincoln  again  stood  before  them  as  their  candidate  for  President. 


LINCOLN   ABOUT  THE  TIME  OF  His  SECOND  NOMINATION   FOR  THE 
PRESIDENCY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


Photograph  taken  in  1 864  when  the  political  leaders  were  declaring  that  Lincoln  could  not 

be  re-elected  and  the  American  people  were  demanding  his  leadership — 

Original  negative  by  Walker  in  Washington 


Print  from  the  Collection  of  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  at  the  Lincoln  Museum  at  Washington 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  the  time  of  his  second  nomination  for  the 

Presidency,  in  1864 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady — From 

Collection  of  Americana  of   Frederick  H.  Meserve 


L 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  with  his  son  Thomas  (Tad)  in  1864 
Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady  at  Washington 


LINCOLN  WITH  His  SON,  THOMAS,  (TAD)  IN  THE  WHITE  HOUSE 


Photograph  taken  with  Lincoln  in  his  characteristic  attitude  at  home 

with  his  eleven  years-old  son  by  his  side — His  son  William 

Wallace  had  died  at  the  White  House  two  years  before 


Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady  in  Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  at  Washington 


THE  INSIGHT  OF  LINCOLN  INTO  HUMAN  NATURE 

WORD  of  wisdom  is  worth  more  than  volumes  of  argument.  The 
shaft  of  reason  has  frequently  won  victories  while  armies  are 
meeting  defeat.  The  summer  of  1864  was  long  and  disappointing. 
The  success  of  the  great  armies  swung  back  and  forth  with  almost 
endless  precision.  Now  the  war  was  to  end;  now  the  conflict  raged 
fiercer  than  ever;  now  again  the  Confederacy  seemed  shattered;  only  to 
rise  once  more  in  brave  defiance. 

"I  propose  to  fight  it  out  on  this  line  if  it  takes  all  summer,"  came 
the  message  from  the  silent,  little  general  on  the  battle-line. 

Political  leaders  insisted  that  Lincoln  could  never  be  re-elected. 
Business  interests  grew  more  and  more  doubtful.  The  Stars  and  Bars 
swept  so  close  to  the  national  capital  that  Lincoln  looked  into  the  firing 
line.  The  North  was  in  panic.  Preparations  were  made  for  abandoning 
Washington.  A  steamer  was  in  readiness  to  take  the  President  and  his 
cabinet  to  safety.  The  wounded  and  the  sick  poured  into  the  city. 

"We  must  have  more  men!"  said  Lincoln.  His  demand  for  five  hun 
dred  thousand  more  fighting  men  from  the  states  staggered  the  politicians. 

"Lincoln  must  withdraw  his  candidacy,"  demanded  the  political 
leaders.  "Patriotism  demands  his  retirement.  He  has  proved  that  he 
cannot  meet  the  necessities  of  the  emergency." 

"Don't  swap  horses  while  crossing  a  stream,"  was  the  only  reply 
that  came  from  the  man  in  the  White  House. 

Suddenly  the  nation  was  aroused  by  the  message  from  the  battlefield: 
"Atlanta  is  ours  and  fairly  won!  Sherman  is  marching  to  the  sea! 
The  Northern  forces  are  sweeping  down  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah!" 

Election  day  came  on  the  eighth  of  November.  Lincoln  spent  the 
day  at  his  desk  in  the  war  office,  expressing  more  interest  in  the  messages 
from  the  battlefield  than  the  political  conflict.  About  midnight  the  wire 
ticked:  "Lincoln  has  carried  every  state  in  the  Union  except  three.  He 
has  been  re-elected  President  by  a  majority  of  nearly  a  half  million  votes!" 

As  he  walked  in  the  darkness  to  the  White  House,  he  found  a  party 
of  serenaders  under  the  window  of  his  chamber.  It  was  about  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  "Friends,"  he  exclaimed,  "if  I  know  my  heart,  my 
gratitude  is  free  from  any  intent  of  personal  triumph.  I  do  not  impugn 
the  motive  of  anyone  who  opposed  me.  It  is  no  pleasure  to  me  to  triumph 
over  anyone,  but  I  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  this  evidence  of  the 
people's  resolution  to  stand  by  free  government  and  the  rights  of  humanity." 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  the  time  of  his  second  election  as 

President  in  186-t — Original  negative  by  Walker,  photographer 

for  the  Treasury  Department  at  Washington — Print  from 

Collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


Photograph  of  Lincoln,  age  56  years,  shortly  before  his  second 

inauguration  in  1865 — Original  negative  by  Alexander 

Gardner  at  Washington — Print  from  the  Collection 

of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


THE  HEART  OF  LINCOLN  THAT  KNEW  NO  MALICE 


are  a  few  men  who  can  forgive  their  enemies  but  it  takes 
a  great  man  to  forget  them.  Lincoln  forgot  all  animosity  when 
he  forgave.  He  found  that  2,216,067  Americans  had  pledged 
their  loyalty  to  him  at  polls,  while  1,808,725  had  registered  their 
ballots  against  him  under  the  leadership  of  his  former  friend,  General 
McClellan.  The  cabinet  minister,  who  in  envy  had  tried  to  take  the  presi 
dency  from  him,  and  had  resigned  in  indignation,  was  honored  by  Lincoln 
with  the  highest  tribute  that  the  President  can  confer  —  Chief  Justice  of 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  He  lived  by  the  Golden  Rule.  "If 
any  man  ceases  to  attack  me,  I  never  remember  the  past  against  him/' 
he  said.  "We  must  not  be  animated  by  any  motive  for  revenge,  or  any 
purpose  to  punish  for  punishment's  sake." 

It  was  now  the  fourth  of  March,  in  1865  —  the  day  of  inauguration, 
A  light  rain  was  falling  in  the  chill  and  gloom.  A  carriage  stopped  at  the 
White  House  door,  and  Lincoln  came  down  the  steps  and  entered  it,  alone. 

It  was  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  A  curious  crowd  had 
gathered  around  the  national  capitol;  negroes,  who  were  but  yesterday 
slaves,  and  citizens  jostled  each  other  in  the  crowd  to  catch  a  glimpse  of 
"Father  Abraham."  Four  years  had  wrought  great  changes  in  the  scene. 
Statesmen  who  had  then  gathered  here,  were  now  dead;  while  others  were 
now  battling  on  the  firing  line;  and  still  others  had  renounced  the  Republic. 

As  Lincoln  appeared  on  the  steps  a  rousing  cheer  greeted  him.  His 
stooping  shoulders,  and  sunken  eyes,  told  the  tragic  story.  As  he  looked 
out  over  the  applauding  throng,  a  stream  of  sick  and  wounded  heroes  were 
coming  in  endless  procession  from  the  fields  of  battle. 

"Fellow  countrymen."  The  words  brought  a  hush  to  the  gathering. 
The  tall,  solemn  figure  spoke  in  inspiration.  "Let  us  judge  not  that  we 
be  not  judged,"  he  said.  "Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray  that 
this  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away."  The  great  audience 
listened.  The  closing  words  rested  upon  them  like  a  benediction: 
"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firmness  in  the  right, 
as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  light,  let  us  stand  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are 
in;  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  won 
the  battle  and  for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan;  and  do  all  which  may 
achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  races  and  with  all 
nations."  As  he  stood  before  the  cheering  throng,  the  sun,  which  had  been 
veiled  by  rain  throughout  the  day,  burst  through  the  clouds  in  splendor. 


8G 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  in  the  closing  days  of  the  American 

Crisis  in  1865 — Original  negative  by  Alexander  Gardner 

at  Washington — Print  from  the  Collection  of  Mr.  L. 

C.  Handy  in  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 


Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  his  second  inauguration  in  1865, 

age  56  years — Original  negative  by  H.  F.  Warren,  Waltham, 

Massachusetts — Print  in  the  Collection  of  Mr.  Osborn  H. 

Oldroyd  at  the  Lincoln  Museum  in  Washington 


THE  FATHERHOOD  OF  LINCOLN  AMONG  THE  LOWLY 


^F^^jHE    fortunes    of    war   are  much   like  the  fortunes  of  men.      While 

m  Lincoln  was  winning  his  battles  over  the  people,  his  silent,  little 

^^^  J  general   was   carrying   the    armies   to   victory.     With   irresistible 

power  he  was  driving  back  the  Confederacy  and  marching  on  to 

their  seat  of  government.     A  messenger  hurried  to  the  White  House  with 

a  dispatch.     Lincoln  read  it  and  then  sat  pondering  over  its  contents. 

"I  must  go  to  the  front,"  he  said.  "They  may  need  me."  The 
next  night  a  boat  steamed  up  the  James  River.  There,  lying  on  a  berth, 
four  inches  shorter  than  his  body,  stretched  a  long,  gaunt  figure.  The 
roar  of  the  battle  rolled  along  the  shore. 

"Richmond  has  fallen!  The  Confederacy  is  destroyed!  The  capital 
is  burning!"  The  tidings  aroused  the  continent;  leaped  the  oceans,  and 
resounded  around  the  world.  The  North  was  wild  with  joy.  The  South 
was  bowed  with  grief.  Brave  hearts  shouted  and  wept;  cheered  and  sighed. 
The  noble  city  burst  into  flames.  With  the  rumble  of  the  drums,  and 
colors  flying,  the  hosts  of  the  Republic  marched  into  the  fallen  capital. 

It  was  the  month  of  April,  in  1865.  The  sun  rose  clear  on  the  morning 
of  the  fourth.  At  twelve  o'clock  the  barge  reached  the  river  bank.  As  it 
came  alongside,  the  tall,  gaunt  man  stepped  ashore.  An  old  negro  with 
snow  white  hair  was  standing  on  the  bank.  He  was  bent  and  worn. 

"Bless  de  Lord,"  he  shouted,  "dere  is  de  great  Messiah!  I  knowed 
him  as  soon  as  I  seed  him.  He's  been  in  my  mind  fo'  long  yeahs,  an'  he's 
cum  at  las'  to  free  his  chilun  from  deir  bondage  —  Glory  Hallelujah!" 

And,  falling  on  his  knees,  the  old  slave  kissed  the  feet  of  Lincoln.  The 
negroes  crowded  about  him  and  threw  themselves  on  the  ground.  Lincoln 
looked  at  the  poor  creatures  before  him.  "Don't  kneel  to  me,"  he  said 
quietly.  "That  is  not  right.  You  must  kneel  to  God  only,  and  thank 
Him  for  the  liberty  you  will  hereafter  enjoy." 

"Father  Abraham  is  here!"  The  streets  were  instantly  alive  with  the 
colored  race.  They  seemed  to  spring  from  the  earth,  tumbling,  shouting, 
weeping,  praying,  singing.  There  stood  the  Emancipator  among  the 
people  he  had  redeemed  from  bondage. 

"My  poor  friends,"  he  said,  "you  are  free  —  free  as  air.  You  can 
cast  off  the  name  of  slave  and  trample  upon  it;  it  will  come  to  you  no  more. 
Liberty  is  your  birthright.  God  gave  it  to  you  as  he  gave  it  to  others  .  .  . 
Let  the  world  see  that  you  merit  it,  and  are  able  to  maintain  it  by  your 
good  works  .  .  .  There,  now  let  me  pass  on." 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  ABOUT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  FALL  OF  RICHMOND  IN   1865 


Photograph   taken   a  few  days  before    Lincoln  went    to  the   capital   of  the  Confederacy 
to  look  upon  the  ruins  of  the  historic  city — Original  negative  by  Mathew  B  rady     . 


Deposited  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection  at  Springfield.  Massachusetts 
Copyright.  1909,  by  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton 


THE  MAGNANIMITY  OF  THE  SPIRIT  OF  LINCOLN 


great  question  is  not  alone  how  did  you  bear  yourself  in 
defeat,  but  how  did  you  bear  yourself  in  victory.  As  Lincoln 
walked  through  the  streets  of  the  destroyed  capital  of  the  Con 
federacy,  his  eyes  looked  upon  ruin  and  devastation;  starvation 
and  pillage.  The  flames  were  still  smoldering  in  the  noble  capital. 

Before  him  stood  the  White  House  of  the  Confederacy,  from  which, 
only  thirty-six  hours  before,  the  statesmen  of  the  "Lost  Cause"  had  fled 
for  safety.  Ascending  the  steps,  he  entered  the  stately  mansion.  There 
lay  a  great  desk,  with  a  huge  chair,  deserted. 

"It  must  have  been  President  Davis'  chair,"  he  said,  as  he  sank  into 
it  wearily,  relaxing  himself  against  its  comfortable  back  and  resting  his 
hands  on  its  arms.  The  lines  upon  his  forehead  deepened.  "Judge  not," 
he  said,  thoughtfully,  "that  ye  be  not  judged!" 

The  boat  bearing  Lincoln  sailed  up  the  Potomac,  to  take  him  back 
to  the  capital  of  the  Republic  at  Washington.  His  eyes  fell  upon  the  white 
dome.  An  expression  of  dread  came  to  the  face  of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  who  was 
now  with  him.  "That  city,"  she  whispered,  in  apprehension,  "is  full  of 
our  enemies!"  Lincoln  turned,  and  with  perplexed  expression,  he  ex 
claimed,  "Enemies!  —  we  must  never  speak  that  word  again!" 

The  evening  was  falling.  Mount  Vernon  loomed  in  the  distance. 
Lincoln  looked  out  into  the  gathering  twilight.  "Springfield!"  he  said,  in 
reverie.  "  How  happy,  four  years  hence  to  return  there  in  peace  and  tran- 
quility!" 

The  Nation's  capital  was  waiting  in  expectancy.  The  air  was  rent 
with  exploding  rockets.  Crowds  gathered  in  front  of  the  White  House 
and  cheered.  The  throngs  outside  called  for  "Lincoln!  Lincoln!" 

"Fellow  Citizens,"  he  said,  "We  meet  this  evening  not  in  sorrow  but 
in  gladness  of  heart  ...  In  the  happiness  of  all  this,  however,  Him  from 
Whom  all  blessings  flow  must  not  be  forgotten.  I  call  for  a  National 
Thanksgiving  which  is  being  prepared  and  will  be  duly  promulgated." 

A  great  cheer  arose  from  the  serenaders.  The  martial  notes  of  the 
"Star  Spangled  Banner"  passed  through  the  crowd.  Lincoln  stood  with 
his  head  bared.  As  the  refrain  ceased,  he  raised  his  hand  and  called: 
"Give  us  Dixie!  We  have  a  right  to  that  tune  now!"  As  he  turned  and 
entered  the  White  House,  the  strains  of  the  hymn  of  the  South-land  fell 
upon  his  ears  and  echoed  through  his  heart.  "This,"  he  said,  "is  one 
of  the  happiest  moments  of  my  life.  " 


90 


LINCOLN  AT  THE  END  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR  AND  THE  SURRENDER  AT  APPOMATTOX 


Photograph  taken  in  Washington  in  1865  shortly  before  the  Hosts  of  the  South  and  the 
Legions  of  the  North  clasped  hands  in   Peace — Original  negative  by  Mathew 
Brady  now  considered  the  greatest  portrait  of  Lincoln  ever  taken 


Deposited  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 
Copyright,  1908,  by  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton 


THE  VICTORY  OF  LINCOLN— A  REUNITED  PEOPLE 

RACE  bath  its  victories  no  less  than  war.  Through  all  the  four 
years  of  magnificent  courage  there  is  not  a  moment  more  inspir 
ing  than  that  April  day  when  the  hosts  of  the  South  stood  before 
the  legions  of  the  North  to  pledge  themselves  to  peace  and 
brotherhood.  In  an  heroic  stand,  the  warriors  of  the  Confederacy  had 
made  their  last  gallant  charge  under  the  Stars  and  Bars.  Now  they  stood 
before  the  victorious  warriors  of  the  Republic,  welcoming  peace  with  the 
same  brave  hearts  with  which  they  faced  battle. 

The  two  greatest  generals  that  the  world  has  ever  known  stood  face 

o  o 

to  face — Grant  and  Lee.  Behind  them  were  the  armies  in  the  mightiest 
struggle  that  has  ever  been  recorded  in  human  annals.  There  stood  the 
silent,  little  general,  the  conqueror,  in  his  uniform  of  blue;  his  figure,  of 
five  feet  eight  inches,  slightly  bent;  there  was  no  sword  in  his  hand;  only 
his  shoulder  straps  to  designate  him  from  the  rank  of  a  private  soldier. 
There  stood  the  gallant  leader  of  the  Confederacy  in  his  uniform  of  gray; 
his  silver  hair  crowning  his  erect  figure  of  six  feet  in  height;  at  his  side  he 
carried  a  long  sword,  the  hilt  studded  with  jewels. 

The  war  was  over.  The  camp  fires  were  left  to  smolder  into  ashes; 
the  flags  were  tenderly  furled;  and  two  great  armies  sheathed  their  swords. 
Along  the  roads  moved  regiments  of  men,  no  longer  foes,  but  citizens  of 
a  common  country.  The  rattle  of  the  artillery;  the  rumbling  wheels  of  the 
ammunition  trains;  all  in  the  pageant  of  peace — echoed  through  the  streets. 

Lincoln  stood  and  gazed  long  upon  them.  The  long  night  of  blood 
shed  had  ended.  The  day  of  peace  and  love  had  dawned.  He  looked 
upon  a  portrait  of  the  conquered  commander  of  the  Confederacy. 

"It  is  a  good  face,"  he  said.  "It  is  the  face  of  a  noble,  brave  man. 
I  am  glad  that  the  war  is  over  at  last.  We  soon  will  live  with  the  brave 
men  who  have  been  fighting  against  us.  I  trust  that  the  era  of  good  feeling 
has'  returned  and  that  henceforth  we  will  live  in  peace." 

And,  turning  to  his  family,  his  heart  trying  to  lift  the  veil  of  tragedy 
that  had  so  long  enshrouded  it,  he  said:  "It  is  nearly  over;  now  we  shall 
be  happy."  Throughout  the  hills  and  dales  resounded  the  shouts  of 
rejoicing.  Mothers  clasped  their  long  lost  sons  to  their  hearts;  and  children 
climbed  into  the  arms  of  their  fathers  who  had  come  home  at  last. 

The  war  was  over!     The  miracle  of  the  reunited  people  had  been  per 
formed.     And  above  it  all  loomed  the  tall,  strong  figure  of  one  man- 
Abraham  Lincoln. 


92 


LAST  PORTRAIT  OF  LINCOLN  EVER  TAKEN 


Photograph  taken  a  few  days  before  the  end  of  Lincoln's  life  in  April,  1865, 

when  the  War  was  over  and  the  American  People  were  re-united 

into  an  inseparable  brotherhood — Ordinal  negative 

by  Alexander   Gardner  at  Washington 


Collection  of  Mr.  M.  P.  Rice  of  Washington — Copyright,  1891 


THE  VEIL  OF  SORROW  OVER  AN  EXULTANT  NATION 

0  man  knows  what  the  morrow  may  bring  forth.  We  live  today, 
but  what  of  the  morning  ?  The  morning  of  the  fourteenth  of 
April,  in  1865,  was  bright  and  warm.  The  balm  of  spring 
bathed  the  hills.  The  Judas  and  the  dog-wood  bent  in  the 
the  breeze;  the  perfume  of  the  lilacs  floated  through  the  morning  air. 

It  was  Good  Friday,  the  nation's  day  of  prayer  and  thanksgiving. 
Lincoln  rose  early.  A  great  weight  seemed  to  have  lifted.  Today  he  was 
to  clasp  the  hand  of  Grant,  the  silent,  little  general  who  had  led  his  armies 
to  triumph.  Today  the  flag  of  the  republic,  which  had  been  lowered  from 
Fort  Sumter  four  years  ago,  was  to  be  unfurled  over  the  ruins.  Today 
his  oldest  son  was  to  return  from  the  war  with  a  captain's  commission. 

As  Lincoln  took  his  seat  at  the  head  of  the  cabinet  table,  his  grave, 
sad  eyes  smiled;  the  haggard  lines  in  his  face  seemed  to  disappear.  He 
greeted  his  ministers  with  words  of  affection,  and,  as  he  dropped  his  arm 
upon  the  shoulders  of  one  of  his  statesmen,  he  drew  him  close  to  him  in 
hearty  embrace  in  their  rejoicing  over  the  end  of  the  mighty  struggle. 

"The  war  is  over,"  he  said.  "Enough  lives  have  been  sacrificed. 
We  must  extinguish  all  resentment  if  we  expect  harmony  and  Union." 

He  grasped  the  hands  of  his  cabinet  ministers,  and,  entreating  them 
to  be  considerate  of  the  vanquished  foes,  he  left  them  and  was  soon  driv 
ing  with  his  wife  along  the  country  roads  on  this  beautiful  spring  day. 

As  the  carriage  rumbled  along  the  blossom-laden  lanes,  he  turned  to 
her  and  said:  "Mary,  we  have  had  a  hard  time  of  it  since  we  came  to 
Washington,  but  the  war  is  over,  and  with  God's  permission  we  may  hope 
for  four  years  of  happiness  and  peace,  and  then  we  will  go  back  to  Illinois 
and  pass  the  rest  of  our  lives  in  quiet." 

He  spoke  of  the  old  home  in  Springfield,  and  the  recollections  of  his 
early  days  came  crowding  back  to  him.  He  spoke  of  their  early  struggles 
together  and  of  their  future.  "We  have  laid  by  some  money,"  he  said 
"and  during  this  term  we  will  try  to  save  up  more.  Then  we  will  go  home." 

The  night  fell.  Throughout  the  nation,  in  a  hundred  thousand  homes, 
loved  ones  were  gathering  in  reunion  and  thanksgiving.  Now  and  then 
there  was  a  cheer,  or  the  beat  of  a  drum  at  the  head  of  the  soldiers 
marching  home.  Suddenly,  a  great  tumult  arose  in  the  streets.  Newsboys 
ran  excitedly  over  the  pavements.  Great  throngs  gathered  at  the  bulletins. 

"Lincoln  has  been  assassinated!     The  President  has  been  shot!" 

The  crowds  in  the  streets  seemed  stunned. 


The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln 

PART  III 

A   Revelation    of    the    Last    Scenes    in   the 

Closing  Hours  of  Lincoln 
from  Actual  Photographs  Taken  at  the  Time 


THE  LAST  LINGERING  MOMENTS  OF  A  NOBLE  LIFE 


is  life's  greatest  moment  —  it  comes  to  us  all.  It  matters  not 
how  great  or  how  humble  we  may  be,  we  are  all  one  at  the  end; 
the  millions  that  have  gone  before,  the  millions  that  are  to  come. 
As  Lincoln,  on  that  tragic  night,  on  the  fourteenth  of  April, 
entered  the  box  at  the  theater,  in  honor  of  the  dawning  peace,  the  or 
chestral  strains  of  "Hail  to  the  Chief*'  greeted  him.  The  great  audience 
rose  to  its  feet  and  cheered.  Lincoln  bowed.  It  was  a  gala  night. 
The  spirit  of  joyousness  filled  every  heart.  The  audience  roared  with 
laughter  over  the  farcical  lines  of  the  mimic  world  on  the  stage. 

Suddenly,  a  shot  rang  through  the  theater.  There  was  the  scream  of  a 
woman.  The  figure  of  a  man,  an  actor,  sprang  from  the  Presidential  box, 
his  eyes  gleaming  with  passion.  A  smoking  pistol  fell  from  his  hand  as  he 
clutched  at  a  dagger.  His  spur  caught  in  an  American  flag,  and  he  fell 
upon  the  stage  with  the  ensign  wound  about  him.  Raising  his  knife  in 
the  air,  his  words  echoed  above  the  tumult:  "Sic  semper  tyrannis!" 

The  great  audience  was  in  frenzy;  aisles  and  seats  and  galleries  were 
filled  with  shouting,  weeping,  panic-stricken  men  and  women;  the  crowd 
became  uncontrollable.  "My  God,  the  President  is  shot!"  sobbed  strong 
men,  while  women  fainted. 

The  body  of  Lincoln  was  lifted  from  his  chair;  his  head  drooped; 
blood  was  flowing  from  a  wound.  Over  him,  moaned  his  wife,  pleading 
for  him  to  speak.  Gently  they  bore  him  from  the  theater.  As  they  passed 
to  the  street,  and  carried  him  to  the  nearest  house,  their  steps  were  marked 
by  his  ebbing  blood.  Behind  them  walked  Mrs.  Lincoln,  weeping. 

Great  throngs  crowded  about  the  humble  dwelling.  Anxiously  they 
waited  for  a  message.  The  curtains  were  drawn  at  the  windows.  All 

o 

night  long  the  crowds  lingered;  now  they  were  silent  under  the  burden  of 
grief;  now  bitterness  rankled  within  them  as  its  meaning  flooded  upon  them. 

At  the  White  House,  not  far  distant,  all  was  still.  Suddenly  the  east 
door  of  the  basement  was  thrown  open.  "Oh  Tom!  Tom!"  cried  a  little 
voice.  "They  have  killed  papa  dead!  They  have  killed  papa  dead!" 
and  he  burst  into  sobs.  It  was  little  Tad.  He  threw  himself  into  the 
arms  of  an  old  family  servant. 

"Now,  now,  boy,"  said  the  faithful  friend,  caressing  him,  "don't  cry 
any  more;  let's  go  to  bed."  They  turned  down  the  cover  and  lay  down 
together.  The  old  servant  put  his  arm  around  the  grief-stricken  lad;  the 
sobs  died  away,  and  Tad  fell  into  sound  sleep. 


Photograph  taken  at  Ford's  Theater  in  Washington,  after  the  assassination  on  the  night  of  April  14,  1865 — Original  negatives  by 
Alexander  Gardner — Now  deposited  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection  of  seven  thousand  negatives  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Photograph  of  President  Lincoln's  box  in  Ford's  Theater 
as  it  appeared  on  night  of  the  tragedy 


Photograph  of  the  chair  in  which  President  Lincoln  was  sitting 
when  he  was  shot  by  John  Wilkes  Booth 


THE  MAGNIFICENCE  OF  LIFE'S  LAST  TRIUMPH 

'ND  after  all — what  does  it  mean  for  a  man  to  live  well  ?  Come 
to  that  little  chamber  in  the  dingy  brick  building  across  the  way. 
The  stairs  are  dark  and  narrow.  Walk  softly  through  the  long, 
dim  hall.  There  is  a  door;  knock  gently;  someone  is  opening  it; 
there  are  tears  in  his  eyes. 

Step  into  the  room — the  simple  bedchamber  of  a  soldier.  The 
flickering  light  of  a  gas-jet  falls  upon  the  pallid  face  of  a  man  that  you 
love.  How  pale  and  sad  it  is!  The  long,  gaunt  figure  that  you  have 
known  so  long,  how  motionless  it  lies! 

A  moan  comes  from  a  grief-pent  heart;  the  arms  are  lifted;  now  they 
fall;  there  is  a  long  sigh.  A  smile  comes  to  the  face  and  rests  upon  it; 
how  restful  it  is,  like  the  benediction  of  peace.  How  long  the  night  seems! 
How  still  it  is :  only  the  footfalls  of  the  loved  ones — and  a  sob ! 

The  April  rain  is  falling.  Daylight  sends  its  first  gray  rays  through 
the  window.  The  notes  of  the  robin  float  on  the  morning  breeze.  States 
men  are  gathering  about  the  bed;  army  generals  and  senators  stand  with 
bowed  heads.  How  white  the  face  looks  in  the  morning  light.  The  pale 
cheeks  flush;  the  lips  seem  to  part;  a  magnificent  light  leaps  from  the  deep, 
sunken  eyes.  A  physician  is  leaning  over  the  figure;  his  ear  is  close  to  the 
heart.  The  clock  is  ticking.  He  speaks:  "The  President  is  dead!" 

A  clergyman  kneels  by  the  bedside.  A  cabinet  minister  leans  over 
the  ashen  face  and  gazes  for  a  moment  into  it — how  happy  it  looks! 
Then,  tenderly  stroking  the  lids  with  his  hands,  he  closes  the  kind  eyes  in 
their  last,  long  sleep,  and,  drawing  a  sheet  over  the  slumbering  man,  his 
voice  speaks  low  and  deep:  "Now  he  belongs  to  the  ages!" 

The  hands  of  the  clock  on  the  mantel  point  at  twenty-two  minutes 
after  seven.  It  is  Saturday  morning.  Tomorrow  will  be  Easter  Sunday. 
The  statesmen  bow,  and  pass  from  the  room.  A  woman  falls  upon  the 
lifeless  form;  oh,  how  she  sobs;  her  loving  heart  is  breaking!  Close  the 
door  gently;  leave  them  alone  in  life's  greatest  moment — a  moment  that 
you  and  I  must  soon  meet — life's  last  triumph! 

Was  there  ever  a  scene  more  magnificent  ?  Was  there  ever  a  greater 
victory  ?  Was  there  ever  a  man  whose  tribute  from  the  world  was  more 
beautiful  ?  Look  at  the  thousands  and  the  hundreds  of  thousands  passing 
before  his  bier — looking  into  the  face  that  they  loved — men,  women,  and 
children,  weeping;  all  races  and  sects  knit  together  into  one  kinship — his 
beloved  children. 


HOUSE  IN  WHICH  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  DIED  ON  SATURDAY  MORNING,  APRIL  15,  1865 


Photograph  taken  of  the  building  opposite  Ford's  Theater  in  which  Lincoln 

spent  his  last  hours — The  house  is  now  the  famous  Lincoln  Museum 

established  by  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  at  Washington,  D.  C. 

Print  in  possession  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington 


THE  INFAMY  OF  A  DEED  THAT  ROBBED  A  NATION 

'ND  after  all — what  does  it  mean  for  a  man  to  live  ill?  The  world 
turned  in  wrath  against  the  murderers  of  the  man  who  had  loved 
humanity.  Bitterness  raged  in  their  hearts  against  the  assas 
sins.  Their  names,  which  are  hardly  fit  to  speak,  except  as  they 
stand  as  ignominious  warning  to  mankind,  aroused  only  the  hatred 
of  their  fellow-men,  and,  like  all  who  break  the  laws  of  God  and  man, 
are  passing  down  through  the  generations  to  be  loathed. 

The  assassin,  who,  craving  for  notoriety,  had  fired  the  fatal  shot  in 
the  theater,  fled  from  the  stage  in  the  excitement.  His  leg  broken  by  the 
fall  from  the  balcony,  he  escaped  on  a  horse  that  was  waiting  for  him  in 
the  streets,  all  the  fast  closing  hours  of  his  life  to  be  haunted  as  a  creature 
too  low  to  be  allowed  to  exist  even  in  the  blood  of  his  own  crime. 

Pitiful  figure  that  he  was,  cursed  by  his  own  morbid  longings,  and 
believing  that  the  world  might  look  upon  and  glorify  him  for  his  daring, 
he  found  himself  riding  into  the  mouth  of  hell.  Slowly,  but  surely,  the  grip 
of  the  law  tightened  about  him.  Driven  to  desperation,  he  took  his  last 
refuge  in  a  barn  on  a  Virginia  farm,  only  to  see  his  last  friend  betray  him. 

As  the  flames  leaped  from  his  place  of  refuge,  he  rose  from  his  crouch 
ing  position  and  stood  upright,  leaning  upon  a  crutch,  and  holding  a  car 
bine.  His  eyes  glared  with  the  light  of  fever;  his  face  was  haggard  from 
eleven  days  of  the  most  fearful  torture  that  a  man  can  endure.  There 
was  a  flash  from  a  cavalry  rifle.  The  crutch  fell  at  his  side.  A  long  groan 
came  from  his  lips;  his  face  writhed  in  agony — he  had  paid  the  penalty. 

Look  upon  him  with  all  the  pity  that  is  within  your  heart— poor, 
unfortunate,  deluded  man.  In  his  moment  of  ambition  he  forgot  the  ruling 
hand  of  Justice  that  no  man  ever  was  or  ever  will  be  able  to  overpower. 
He  forgot  that  while,  for  a  time,  we  may  withstand  it,  there  is  within 
every  man's  heart  a  law  that  he  never  can  escape — the  law  of  conscience. 

As  they  carried  his  body  away,  to  give  it  a  secret  resting  place  that  no 
man  will  ever  know,  a  diary  fell  from  his  pocket.  In  it  was  scribbled 
the  last  words  of  an  agonized  heart:  "Hunted  like  a  dog  through  the 
swamps  ...  I  am  here  in  despair  ...  I  am  abandoned  with  the  curse 
of  Cain  upon  me." 

And  turn  now  to  the  prison  yard.  There  on  the  gallows  hang  the 
bodies  of  those,  who,  in  their  blindness,  were  led  into  this  plot.  There 
in  the  prison  cell  sit  those  who  listened  to  false  ambition — now  rejected 
and  despised  by  their  fellow-men.  Look  upon  them  all  with  pity! 


100 


Photograph  of  John  Wilkes  Booth,  the  actor,  who  shot  Lincoln 
at  Ford's  Theater,  Friday  night,  April  14,  1865 


Photograph  of  Sergeant  Boston  Corbett,  16th  New  York  Cavalry, 

who  fired  the  shot  that  killed  the  fugitive  Booth  in  a 

barn  in  Virginia   at  3:15  a.m.,  April  26,  1865 


Negatives  in  the  Original  Brady-Gardner  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt,  an  unfortunate  widow  and  mother,  whose 
home  unwittingly  became  the  center  of  the  conspiracy 


George  Atzerodt,  a  carriage  painter,  who,  it  was  charged, 
was  delegated  to  assassinate  Vice- President  Johnson 


Davey  Herold,  the  boy  who  aided  Booth  to  escape,  and  left 
his  mother  and  seven  sisters  heartbroken 


Lewis  Payne  (Powell),  a  Florida  boy,  in  double  irons — He 
attempted  to  assassinate  Seward  in  his  home 


HANGED  AS  CONSPIRATORS  IN  ASSASSINATION  OF  LINCOLN 
Original  Secret  Service  Negatives  in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Michael  O'Laughlin,  sentenced  for  life  and  died  during 
imprisonment;  his  remains  were  sent  to  his  mother 


Sam  Arnold ,  clerk  in  sutler's  store,  sentenced  for  life 
but  pardoned  after  serving  four  years 


Edward  Spangler,  scene  shifter,  sentenced  to  six  years; 
pardoned  in  four  years  and  died  18  months  later 


Dr.  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  physician,  who,  for  harboring  Booth 
was  sentenced  for  life ;  pardoned  after  four  years 


IMPRISONED  AS  ACCESSORIES  IN  ASSASSINATION  OF  LINCOLN 
Original  Secret  Service  Negatives  in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


PRISON  WHERE  THE  CONSPIRATORS  WERE  CONFINED — Photograph  taken  at  the  old 
penitentiary  building  on  the  Arsenal  grounds  at  Washington  where  the  accused 
were  imprisoned  in  cells  and  heavily  chained  and  manacled — Original  negative 
in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection  deposited  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


MILITARY  COURT  THAT  TRIED  THE  LINCOLN  CONSPIRATORS — Photograph  taken 
when  the  commission  began  to  take  testimony  on  May  12,  1865— Lieutenant 
General  Grant,  whose  life  was  also  in  the  conspiracy,  was  the  first  witness — Print 
in  the  Collection  of  Americana  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


GALLOWS  IN  THE  PRISON  YARD  WHERE  THE  CONSPIRATORS  WERE  HANGED — 
Photograph  taken  on  the  afternoon  oi  July  7,  1865  when  the  ropes  were  being  noosed 
about  the  conspirators — Original  negative  by  Alexander  Gardner,  government 
photographer,  now  in  Brady-Gardner  Collection  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


EXECUTION  OP  THE  CONVICTED  PRISONERS  IN  THE  LINCOLN  ASSASSINATION — 
This  remarkable  negative  is  a  silent  witness  of  the  end  of  one  of  the  world's 
greatest  tragedies — Taken  by  Alexander  Gardner  while  those  who  paid 
penalty  were  hanging  on  gallows — Negative  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


THE  GLORY  OF  A  MAN  WHO  LOVES  HIS  FELLOW-MEN 

HAT,  then,  do  we  learn  from  the  life  of  such  a  man  as 
Abraham  Lincoln  ?  It  is  the  simplest,  plainest  truth  in  all 
history — the  greatest  man  in  the  world  is  the  man  who 
loves  his  fellow-men.  Kings  come  and  go;  nations  rise  and 
fall;  military  glory  and  political  eminence  flare  for  their  moment  and 
then  die  away.  Men  may  erect  great  monuments  to  their  memory;  genius 
may  leave  its  marvels  behind  it;  masters  may  build  their  powerful  insti 
tutions, — but  there  is  only  one  living  force  that  pulsates  through  the 
ages  and  that  is  the  heart  of  man  himself. 

Let  your  eyes  rest  upon  Lincoln,  not  with  the  din  of  battle  in  your 
ears,  not  with  the  shout  of  victory  nor  the  pangs  of  defeat  in  your  heart, 
but  as  a  man  who  knew  no  malice,  who  knew  no  envy,  who  knew  no 
glory, — but  who  knew  only  that  he  loved  his  fellow-men  and  that  he  was 
one  of  the  most  humble  among  them. 

The  funeral  train  moves  slowly  from  the  nation's  capital;  watch-fires 
blaze  in  the  darkness  as  it  passes;  bells  are  tolling.  Was  there  ever  a 
procession  like  this — nearly  two  thousand  miles  of  a  people's  tribute! 
Twenty-five  million  fellow-men  bowing  their  heads  in  prayer. 

Now  he  is  home  at  last — home  again  in  Springfield,  where  he  longed 
to  rest  after  his  work  was  done.  It  is  May-day  the  fourth.  Tenderly, 
they  are  bearing  him  to  the  foot  of  the  wooded  knoll;  they  are  laying  him 
in  the  shade  of  the  oaks. 

Hark!  Can  you  hear  the  melody?  From  every  mountain  and  valley; 
from  every  state  and  clime — the  solemn  strains  of  the  dirge  are  swelling. 

The  sun  drops  over  the  hills.  Twilight  bathes  the  blossoming  foliage 
and  gathers  its  darkening  shadows  about  the  tomb.  The  world  has  lost 
a  simple,  honest  man — and  immortality  has  gained  one.  From  every 
nation  and  from  every  people,  from  farm  and  bench  and  throne  of  monarchs, 
come  tributes  of  his  greatness;  for  days  and  months  they  came;  for  years 
and  for  decades  they  have  been  coming,  and  ever  will  as  long  as  memory 
shall  last  and  men  shall  love  an  honest  heart. 

This  is  the  true  Lincoln — the  Lincoln  that  you  should  know;  the 
Lincoln  the  generations  will  know  when  they  have  forgotten  that  blinding 
war  of  brother  against  brother,  and  come  to  grasp  the  hand  of  this  great, 
strong,  homely  man  among  men.  This  is  the  Lincoln  that  the  world  will 
love — the  common  heritage  of  all  races  and  times — the  man  with  a  heart  big 
enough  to  hold  the  whole  world. 


106 


Photograph  of  the  iuneral  procession  of  Lincoln  passing  through  the  streets  of  Washington  at  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteen  hundred  mile  journey  of  triumph  to  his  old  home  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  on  April  21, 1865 — Negative  by  Gardner 


Bier  on  which  President  Lincoln  rested  in  state  while  men,  women,  and  children  wept  over  their  lost  leader  on  his 
funeral  day  on  April  19,  1865,  when  twenty-five  million  people  throughout  the  country  bowed  their  heads  in  tribute — • 
Original  negatives  by  Alexander  Gardner  now  deposited  in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 


Photograph  of  Funeral  Catafalque  of  Lincoln  passing  through  Philadelphia 


Photograph  while  Lincoln's  body  lay  in  state  before  great  throngs  at  City  Hall  in  New  York 


Photograph  of  the  funeral  car  bearing  the  dead  Lincoln  back  to  Springfield,  Illinois 
Prints  from  the  Collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


Lincoln  is  "home  at  last" — Photograph  as  they  are  laying  Lincoln  in  his  tomb 
in  beautiful   Oak  Ridge  Cemetery  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  on  May  4,    1865 


Tomb  of  Lincoln  where  he  was  left  with  a  soldier's  guard  by  a  mourning 
nation — Prints  from  the  Collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


A  NATION'S  TRIBUTE  TO  LINCOLN 

Magnificent  Memorial  at  Lincoln's  burial-place  in  his  old  home  city 

of  Springfield,  Illinois — -Massive  marble   shaft   rising  above 

the  catacomb  and  memorial  hall  proclaims  the  simple 

greatness  of  the  man  whom  the  whole  world  loves 


Photograph  taken  shortly  after  its  erection  in  1874,  showing  the  original  tomb 
at  the  foot  of  the  hill  where  Lincoln  lay  for  nine  years 


Print  in  the  Collection  ot  Americana  owned  by  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 


The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln 

PART  IV 

The  Nine  Great  Speeches  that  Mark  the 

Rise  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
as   an   Orator  and   Leader   of  the   People 


FIRST    PUBLIC    SPEECH    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 


Delivered  at  twenty-three  years  of  age  when  "  Honest  Abe  "  the  country  store 
clerk  at  New  Salem,  Illinois,  became  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature,  in  1832 


FELLOW-CITIZENS:  I  presume  you  all  know  who  I  am.  I  am 
humble  Abraham  Lincoln.  I  have  been  solicited  by  many  friends  to  become 
a  candidate  for  the  Legislature.  My  politics  are  short  and  sweet,  like  the 
old  woman's  dance.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  national  bank.  I  am  in  favor  of  the 
internal  improvement  system,  and  a  high  protective  tariff.  These  are  my 
sentiments  and  political  principles.  If  elected,  I  shall  be  thankful;  if  not, 
it  will  be  all  the  same. 


INCOLN  left  his  own  written  record  of  his  character  and  intellect 
in  his  speeches.  They  are  the  living  witnesses  that  remain  long 
after  human  lips  are  silent.  In  them  is  woven  the  true  life-story 
of  the  man. 

Oratory  has  always  been  the  forerunner  of  the  world's  civiliza 
tion.  It  is  the  resounding  voice  of  the  future.  In  modern  times,  oratory  has 
not  aroused  the  people  as  it  did  of  old,  owing  to  the  democracy  of  the  public 
press  which  now  speaks  to  the  whole  world  while  the  human  voice  can 
reach  but  the  few  who  are  within  its  hearing.  The  art  of  oratory  will, 
nevertheless,  always  remain  one  of  the  greatest  gifts  of  genius. 

Lincoln  lived  in  a  day  when  oratory  was  the  road  to  greatness.  His  first 
public  speech,  in  its  homely  candor,  is  much  like  the  first  experiences  of  most 
men  when  they  find  themselves  before  their  first  audience.  He  was  the  back 
woods  youth,  but  twenty-three  years  of  age,  when  he  delivered  this  first 
speech;  he  neither  knew  nor  was  known  by  the  world.  In  it,  however,  is  the 
beginning  of  his  journey.  It  epitomizes  the  political  principles  that  were  the 
foundation  of  his  strength  and  character  throughout  his  life. 

In  these  pages  are  recorded  the  nine  great  speeches  that  mark  the  rise  of 
Lincoln  as  the  leader  of  his  people.  He  occupied  the  platform  on  nearly  all 
public  occasions  and  spoke  on  all  the  varied  subjects  from  temperance  to 
invention.  It  was  not  until  he  met  Douglas  in  debate  that  his  speeches  were 
very  widely  known.  He  was  fifty-one  years  of  age  when  he  made  his  first 
appearance  in  the  East  as  an  orator,  and  delivered  his  first  national  speech 
at  the  Cooper  Union  mass  meeting  in  New  York.  From  this  time  he  became 
one  of  the  great  American  orators  and  his  speeches  had  a  deeper  effect  upon 
the  trend  of  events  than  those  of  any  other  man  of  the  generation.  His 
inaugural  addresses  inspired  the  nation,  while  his  speech  at  Gettysburg  has 
taken  its  place  as  one  of  the  world's  greatest  orations. 

Lincoln  was  not  the  turgid  rhetorician  of  the  old-school  of  statesmanship, 
but  a  simple,  logical  reasoner.  His  words  did  not  inflame  the  imagination; 
they  carried  conviction.  While  it  is  estimated  that  Lincoln  delivered  nearly 
a  hundred  speeches  many  of  them  were  extemporaneous  and  cannot  be  recorded. 
Others  were  not  reported  at  the  time  and  there  are  various  versions  of  them. 
The  nine  speeches  given  here  are  the  result  of  long  research  through  author^ 
tative  sources.  They  represent  the  turning  points  in  Lincoln's  life  and  accu 
rately  establish  the  nine  progressive  steps  through  which  he  rose  from  a  back 
woodsman  to  the  highest  political  honor  in  the  world. 

112 


FIRST    GREAT    PATRIOTIC    SPEECH    OF   LINCOLN 


Delivered  at  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  while  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of 
Illinois,  before  the  Young  Men's  Lyceum,  at  Springfield,  on  January  27,  1837 


3N  the  great  journal  of  things  happening  under  the  sun,  we,  the  American 
people,  find  our  account  running  the  date  of  the  nineteenth  century 
of  the  Christian  era.  We  find  ourselves  in  the  peaceful  possession  of 
the  fairest  portion  of  the  earth  as  regards  extent  of  territory,  fertility 
of  soil,  and  salubrity  of  climate.  We  find  ourselves  under  the  govern 
ment  of  a  system  of  political  institutions  conducing  more  essentially  to  the  ends 
of  the  civil  and  religious  liberty  than  any  of  which  the  history  of  former  times 
tells  us.  We,  when  mounting  the  stage  of  existence,  found  ourselves  the  legal  in 
heritors  of  these  fundamental  blessings.  We  toiled  not  in  the  acquirement  or 
establishment  of  them ;  they  are  a  legacy  bequeathed  to  us  by  once  a  hardy,  brave, 
and  patriotic,  but  now  lamented  and  departed,  race  of  our  ancestors.  Theirs  was 
the  task  (and  nobly  they  performed  it)  to  possess  themselves,  and  through 
themselves  us,  of  this  goodly  land,  and  to  uprear  upon  its  hills  and  its  valleys 
a  political  edifice  of  liberty  and  equal  rights;  'tis  ours  only  to  transmit  these — 
the  former  unprofaned  by  the  foot  of  an  invader,  the  latter  undecayed  by  the 
lapse  of  time  and  untorn  by  usurpation — to  the  latest  generation  that  fate 
shall  permit  the  world  to  know.  This  task  of  gratitude  to  our  fathers,  justice 
to  ourselves,  duty  to  posterity,  and  love  for  our  species  in  general,  all  impera 
tively  require  us  faithfully  to  perform. 

How  then  shall  we  perform  it  ?  At  what  point  shall  we  expect  the  approach 
of  danger  ?  By  what  means  shall  we  fortify  against  it  ?  Shall  we  expect  some 
transatlantic  military  giant  to  step  the  ocean  and  crush  us  at  a  blow?  Never! 
All  the  armies  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa  combined,  with  all  the  treasure 
of  the  earth  (our  own  excepted)  in  their  military  chest,  with  a  Bonaparte  for 
a  commander,  could  not  by  force  take  a  drink  from  the  Ohio  or  make  a  track 
on  the  Blue  Ridge  in  a  trial  of  a  thousand  years. 

At  what  point  is  the  approach  of  danger  to  be  expected  ?  I  answer,  if 
it  ever  reach  us,  it  must  spring  up  amongst  us;  it  cannot  come  from  abroad. 
If  destruction  be  our  lot,  we  must  ourselves  be  its  author  and  finisher.  As 
a  nation  of  free  men,  we  must  live  through  all  time,  or  die  by  suicide. 

I  hope  I  am  not  over  wary;  but  if  I  am  not  there  is  even  now  something 
of  ill  omen  amongst  us.  I  mean  the  increasing  disregard  for  law  which  pervades 
the  country — the  growing  disposition  to  substitute  the  wild  and  furious  passions 
in  lieu  of  the  sober  judgment  of  courts,  and  the  worse  than  savage  mobs  for  the 
executive  ministers  of  justice.  This  disposition  is  awfully  fearful  in  any  com 
munity;  and  that  it  now  exists  in  ours,  though  grating  to  our  feelings  to  admit, 
it  would  be  a  violation  of  truth  and  an  insult  to  our  intelligence  to  deny. 
Accounts  of  outrages  committed  by  mobs  form  the  every -day  news  of  the  times. 
They  have  pervaded  the  country  from  New  England  to  Louisiana;  they  are 
neither  peculiar  to  the  eternal  snows  of  the  former  nor  the  burning  suns  of 
the  latter;  they  are  not  the  creature  of  climate,  neither  are  they  confined  to 
the  slave-holding  or  the  non-slave-holding  States.  Alike  they  spring  up  among 
the  pleasure-hunting  masters  of  Southern  slaves,  and  the  order-loving  citizens 
of  the  land  of  steady  habits.  Whatever  then  their  cause  may  be,  it  is  common 
to  the  whole  country. 

It  would  be  tedious  as  well  as  useless  to  recount  the  horrors  of  all  of  them. 

113 


Mob  Law  Is  the  Greatest  Danger  of  the  Nation 

Those  happening  in  the  State  of  Mississippi  and  at  St.  Louis  are  perhaps  the 
most  dangerous  in  example,  and  the  most  revolting  to  humanity.  In  the 
Mississippi  case,  they  first  commenced  by  hanging  the  regular  gamblers — 
a  set  of  men  certainly  not  following  for  a  livelihood  a  very  useful  or  honest 
occupation,  but  one  which,  so  far  from  being  forbidden  by  the  laws  was  actually 
licensed  by  an  act  of  the  legislature  passed  but  a  single  year  before.  Next, 
negroes  suspected  of  conspiring  to  raise  an  insurrection  were  caught  up  and 
hanged  in  all  parts  of  the  State;  then,  white  men  supposed  to  be  leagued  with 
the  negroes;  and  finally,  strangers  from  neighboring  States,  going  thither  on 
business,  were  in  many  instances  subjected  to  the  same  fate.  Thus  went  on 
this  process  of  hanging,  from  gamblers  to  negroes,  from  negroes  to  white  citizens, 
and  from  these  to  strangers,  until  dead  men  were  seen  literally  dangling  from 
boughs  of  trees  upon  every  roadside,  and  in  numbers  almost  sufficient  to  rival 
the  native  Spanish  moss  of  the  country  as  a  drapery  to  the  forest. 

Turn  then  to  that  horror-striking  scene  at  St.  Louis.  A  single  victim  was 
only  sacrificed  there.  This  story  is  very  short,  and  is  perhaps  the  most  highly 
tragic  of  anything  of  its  length  that  has  ever  been  witnessed  in  real  life.  A 
mulatto  man  by  the  name  of  Mclntosh  was  seized  in  the  street,  dragged  to 
the  suburbs  of  the  city,  chained  to  a  tree,  and  actually  burned  to  death;  and 
all  within  a  single  hour  from  the  time  when  he  had  been  a  free  man  attending 
to  his  own  business  and  at  peace  with  the  world. 

Such  are  the  effects  of  mob  law,  and  such  are  the  scenes  becoming  more 
and  more  frequent  in  this  land  so  lately  famed  for  love  of  law  and  order,  and 
the  stories  of  which  have  even  now  grown  too  familiar  to  attract  anything 
more  than  an  idle  remark. 

But  you  are  perhaps  ready  to  ask,  "What  has  this  to  do  with  the  per 
petuation  of  our  political  institutions?"  I  answer,  "It  has  much  to  do  with 
it."  Its  direct  consequences  are,  comparatively  speaking,  but  a  small  evil, 
and  much  of  its  danger  consists  in  the  proneness  of  our  minds  to  regard  its 
direct  as  its  only  consequences.  Abstractly  considered,  the  hanging  of  the 
gamblers  at  Vicksburg  was  of  but  little  consequence.  They  constitute  a  portion 
of  population  that  is  worse  than  useless  in  any  community;  and  their  death, 
if  no  pernicious  example  is  set  by  it,  is  never  a  matter  of  reasonable  regret  by 
anyone.  If  they  were  annually  swept  from  the  stage  of  existence  by  the  plague 
or  smallpox,  honest  men  would  perhaps  be  much  profited  by  the  operation. 
Similar,  too  is  the  correct  reasoning  in  regard  to  the  burning  of  the  negro  at 
St.  Louis.  He  had  forfeited  his  life  by  the  perpetration  of  an  outrageous  murder 
upon  one  of  the  most  worthy  and  respectable  citizens  of  the  city,  and  had  he 
not  died  as  he  did,  he  must  have  died  by  the  sentence  of  the  law  a  short  time 
afterward.  As  to  him  alone,  it  was  as  well  the  way  it  was  as  it  could  otherwise 
have  been.  But  the  example  in  either  case  was  fearful.  When  men  take  it 
into  their  heads  to-day  to  hang  gamblers  or  burn  murderers,  they  should  recol 
lect  that  in  the  confusion  usually  attending  such  transactions,  they  will  be 
as  likely  to  hang  or  burn  someone  who  is  neither  a  gambler  nor  a  murderer  as 
one  who  is,  and  that,  acting  upon  the  example  they  set,  the  mob  of  to-morrow 
may,  and  probably  will,  hang  or  burn  some  of  them  by  the  same  mistake.  And 
not  only  so ;  the  innocent,  those  who  have  ever  set  their  faces  against  violations 
of  law  in  every  shape,  alike  with  the  guilty,  fall  victims  to  the  ravages  of  mob 
law;  and  thus  it  goes  on,  step  by  step,  'til  all  the  walls  erected  for  the  defense 

114 


Rights  of  Persons  and  Property  Must  Be  Protected 

of  the  persons  and  property  of  individuals  are  trodden  down  and  disregarded. 
But  all  this,  even,  is  not  the  full  extent  of  the  evil.  By  such  examples,  by 
instances  of  the  perpetrators  of  such  acts  going  unpunished,  the  lawless  in 
spirit  are  encouraged  to  become  lawless  in  practice;  and  having  been  used 
to  no  restraint  but  dread  of  punishment,  they  thus  become  absolutely  unre 
strained.  Having  ever  regarded  government  as  their  deadliest  bane,  they 
make  a  jubilee  of  the  suspension  of  its  operations,  and  pray  for  nothing  so 
much  as  its  total  annihilation.  While,  on  the  other  hand,  good  men,  men  who 
love  tranquillity,  who  desire  to  abide  by  the  laws  and  enjoy  their  benefits, 
who  would  gladly  spill  their  blood  in  the  defense  of  their  country,  seeing  their 
property  destroyed,  their  families  insulted,  and  their  lives  endangered,  their 
persons  injured,  and  seeing  nothing  in  prospect  that  forebodes  a  change  for 
the  better,  become  tired  of  and  disgusted  with  a  government  that  offers  them 
no  protection,  and  are  not  much  averse  to  a  change  in  which  they  imagine 
they  have  nothing  to  lose.  Thus,  then,  by  the  operation  of  this  mobocratic 
spirit  which  all  must  admit  is  now  abroad  in  the  land,  the  strongest  bulwark 
of  governments,  and  particularly  of  those  constituted  like  ours,  may  effectu 
ally  be  broken  down  and  destroyed — I  mean  the  attachment  of  the  people. 
Whenever  this  effect  shall  be  produced  among  us;  whenever  the  vicious  portion 
of  population  shall  be  permitted  to  gather  in  bands  of  hundreds  and  thousands, 
and  burn  churches,  ravage  and  rob  provision-stores,  throw  printing-presses  into 
rivers,  shoot  editors,  and  hang  and  burn  obnoxious  persons  at  pleasure  and 
with  impunity,  depend  on  it,  this  government  cannot  last.  By  such  things 
the  feelings  of  the  best  citizens  will  become  more  or  less  alienated  from  it,  and 
thus  it  will  be  left  without  friends,  or  with  too  few,  and  those  who  are  too  weak 
to  make  their  friendship  effectual.  At  such  a  time,  and  under  such  circum 
stances,  men  of  sufficient  talent  and  ambition  will  not  be  wanting  to  seize  the 
opportunity,  strike  the  blow,  and  overturn  that  fair  fabric  which  for  the  last 
half  century  has  been  the  fondest  hope  of  the  lovers  of  freedom  throughout 
the  world. 

I  know  the  American  people  are  much  attached  to  their  government; 
I  know  they  would  suffer  much  for  its  sake;  I  know  they  would  endure  evils 
long  and  patiently  before  they  would  ever  think  of  exchanging  it  for  another, — 
yet,  notwithstanding  all  this,  if  the  laws  be  continually  disregarded  and  despised, 
if  their  rights  to  be  secure  in  their  persons  and  property  are  held  by  no  better 
tenure  than  the  caprice  of  a  mob,  the  alienation  of  their  affections  from  the 
government  is  the  natural  consequence;  and  to  that  sooner  or  later  it  must 
come. 

Here,  then,  is  one  point  from  which  danger  must  be  expected. 

The  question  recurs,  "How  shall  we  fortify  against  it?"  The  answer 
is  simple.  Let  every  American,  every  lover  of  liberty,  every  well-wisher  to 
his  posterity  swear  by  the  blood  of  the  Revolution  never  to  violate  in  the  least 
particular  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  never  to  tolerate  their  violation  by 
others.  As  the  patriots  of  seventy-six  did  to  the  support  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  so  to  the  support  of  the  Constitution  and  laws,  let  every 
American  pledge  his  life,  his  property,  and  his  sacred  honor — let  every  man 
remember  that  to  violate  the  law  is  to  trample  on  the  blood  of  his  father,  and 
to  tear  the  charter  of  his  own  and  children's  liberty.  Let  reverence  for  the 
laws  be  breathed  by  every  American  mother  to  the  lisping  babe  that  prattles 

115 


Nation's  Safety  Is  the  Preservation  of  Its  Laws 

on  her  lap;  let  it  be  taught  in  schools,  in  seminaries,  and  in  colleges;  let  it  be 
written  in  primers,  in  spelling-books,  and  in  almanacs;  let  it  be  preached  from 
the  pulpit,  proclaimed  in  legislative  halls,  and  enforced  in  courts  of  justice. 
And,  in  short,  let  it  become  the  political  religion  of  the  nation;  and  let  the  old 
and  the  young,  the  rich  and  poor,  the  grave  and  the  gay  of  all  sexes  and  tongues 
and  colors  sacrifice  unceasingly  upon  its  altars. 

While  ever  a  state  of  feeling  such  as  this  universally  or  even  very  generally 
prevails  throughout  the  nation,  vain  will  be  every  effort,  and  fruitless  every 
attempt,  to  subvert  our  national  freedom. 

When  I  so  pressingly  urge  a  strict  observance  of  all  the  laws,  let  me  not 
be  understood  as  saying  that  there  are  no  bad  laws,  or  that  grievances  may 
not  arise  for  the  redress  for  which  no  legal  provisions  have  ever  been  made. 
I  mean  to  say  no  such  thing.  But  I  do  mean  to  say  that  although  bad  laws, 
if  they  exist,  should  be  repealed  as  soon  as  possible,  still,  while  they  continue 
in  force,  for  the  sake  of  example  they  should  be  religiously  observed.  So  also 
in  unimproved  cases.  If  such  arise,  let  proper  legal  provisions  be  made  for 
them  with  the  least  possible  delay,  but  'til  then  let  them,  if  not  too  intolerable, 
be  borne  with. 

There  is  no  grievance  that  is  a  fit  object  of  redress  by  mob  law.  In  any 
case  that  may  arise,  as,  for  instance,  the  promulgation  of  abolitionism,  one 
of  two  positions  is  necessarily  true — that  is,  the  thing  is  right  within  itself, 
therefore  deserves  the  protection  of  all  law  and  good  citizens,  or  it  is  wrong, 
and  therefore  proper  to  be  prohibited  by  legal  enactments;  and  in  neither  case 
is  the  interposition  of  mob  law  either  necessary,  justifiable,  or  excusable. 

But  it  may  be  asked,  "Why  suppose  danger  to  our  political  institutions? 
Have  we  not  preserved  them  for  fifty  years?  And  why  may  we  not  for  fifty 
times  as  long?" 

We  hope  there  is  no  sufficient  reason.  We  hope  that  all  danger  may  be 
overcome;  but  to  conclude  that  no  danger  may  ever  arise  would  itself  be 
extremely  dangerous.  There  are  now,  and  will  hereafter  be,  many  causes, 
dangerous  in  their  tendency,  which  have  not  existed  heretofore,  and  which 
are  not  so  insignificant  as  to  merit  attention.  That  our  government  should 
have  been  maintained  in  its  original  form,  from  its  establishment  until  now, 
is  not  much  to  be  wondered  at.  It  had  many  props  to  support  it  through  that 
period,  which  now  are  decayed  and  crumbled  away.  Through  that  period 
it  was  felt  by  all  to  be  an  undecided  experiment;  now  it  is  understood  to  be 
a  successful  one.  Then,  all  that  sought  celebrity  and  fame  and  distinction 
expected  to  find  them  in  the  success  of  that  experiment.  Their  all  was  staked 
upon  it;  their  destiny  was  inseparably  linked  with  it.  Their  ambition  aspired 
to  display  before  an  admiring  world  a  practical  demonstration  of  the  truth 
of  a  proposition  which  had  hitherto  been  considered  at  best  no  better  than 
problematical — namely,  the  capability  of  a  people  to  govern  themselves.  If 
they  succeeded  they  were  to  be  immortalized;  their  names  were  to  be  trans 
ferred  to  counties,  and  cities,  and  rivers,  and  mountains;  and  to  be  revered 
and  sung,  toasted  through  all  time.  If  they  failed,  they  were  to  be  called 
knaves,  and  fools,  and  fanatics  for  a  fleeting  hour;  then  to  sink  and  be  forgotten. 
They  succeeded.  The  experiment  is  successful,  and  thousands  have  won  their 
deathless  names  in  making  it  so.  But  the  game  is  caught;  I  believe  that 
the  catching  ends  the  pleasures  of  the  chase.  This  field  of  glory  is  harvested, 

116 


True  Patriotism  Builds  Up — It  Does  Not  Pull  Down 

and  the  crop  is  already  appropriated.  But  new  reapers  will  arise,  and  they 
too  will  seek  a  field.  It  is  to  deny  what  the  history  of  the  world  tells  us  is  true, 
to  suppose  that  men  of  ambition  and  talents  will  not  continue  to  spring  up 
amongst  us.  And  when  they  do,  they  will  as  naturally  seek  the  gratification 
of  their  ruling  passion  as  others  have  done  before  them.  The  question  then 
is,  Can  that  gratification  be  found  in  supporting  and  maintaining  an  edifice 
that  has  been  erected  by  others?  Most  certainly  it  cannot.  Many  great  and 
good  men,  sufficiently  qualified  for  any  task  they  should  undertake,  may  ever 
be  found  whose  ambition  would  aspire  to  nothing  beyond  a  seat  in  Congress, 
a  gubernatorial  or  a  presidential  chair;  but  such  belong  not  to  the  family  of 
the  lion,  or  the  tribe  of  the  eagle.  What!  think  you  these  places  would  sat 
isfy  an  Alexander,  a  Caesar,  or  a  Napoleon  ?  Never!  Towering  genius  dis 
dains  a  beaten  path.  It  seeks  regions  hitherto  unexplored.  It  sees  no  dis 
tinction  in  adding  story  to  story  upon  the  monuments  of  fame  erected  to  the 
memory  of  others.  It  denies  that  it  is  a  glory  to  serve  under  any  chief.  It 
scorns  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of  any  predecessor,  however  illustrious.  It 
thirsts  and  burns  for  distinction;  and  if  possible,  it  will  have  it,  whether  at 
the  expense  of  emancipating  slaves  or  enslaving  free  men.  Is  it  unreasonable, 
then,  to  expect  that  some  man  possessed  of  the  loftiest  genius,  coupled  with 
ambition  to  push  it  to  its  utmost  stretch,  will  at  some  time  spring  up  among 
us?  And  when  such  an  one  does,  it  will  require  the  people  to  be  united  with 
each  other,  attached  to  the  government  and  laws,  and  generally  intelligent, 
to  successfully  frustrate  his  designs. 

Distinction  will  be  his  paramount  object,  and  although  he  would  as  willingly, 
perhaps  more  so,  acquire  it  by  doing  good  as  harm,  yet,  that  opportunity  being 
past,  and  nothing  left  to  be  done  in  the  way  of  building  up,  he  would  set  boldly 
to  the  task  of  pulling  down. 

Here  is  a  probable  case,  highly  dangerous  and  such  an  one  as  could  not 
well  have  existed  heretofore. 

Another  reason  which  once  was,  but  which  to  the  same  extent,  is  now 
no  more,  has  done  much  in  maintaining  our  institutions  thus  far.  I  mean  the 
powerful  influence  which  the  interesting  scenes  of  the  Revolution  had  upon 
the  passions  of  the  people  as  distinguished  from  their  judgment.  By  this 
influence  the  jealousy,  the  envy,  and  avarice  incident  to  our  nature,  and  so 
common  to  a  state  of  peace,  prosperity  and  conscious  strength,  were  for  the 
time  in  a  great  measure  smothered  and  rendered  inactive,  while  the  deep-rooted 
principles  of  hate,  the  powerful  motive  of  revenge,  instead  of  being  turned 
against  each  other,  were  directed  exclusively  against  the  British  Nation.  And 
thus,  from  the  force  of  circumstances  the  basest  principles  of  our  nature  were 
either  made  to  lie  dormant,  or  to  become  the  active  agents  in  the  advancement 
of  the  noblest  of  causes — that  of  establishing  and  maintaining  civil  and  religious 
liberty. 

But  this  state  of  feeling  must  fade,  is  fading,  has  faded,  with  the  circum 
stances  that  produced  it. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  scenes  of  the  Revolution  are  now  or  ever 
will  be  entirely  forgotten,  but  that  like  everything  else,  they  must  fade  from 
the  memory  of  the  world,  and  grow  more  and  more  dim  by  the  lapse  of  time. 
In  history,  we  hope,  they  will  be  read  of,  and  recounted,  so  long  as  the  Bible 
shall  be  read;  but  even  granting  that  they  will,  their  influence  cannot  be  what 


Reason  Must  Ultimately  Rule — There  Can  Be  No  Hate 

it  heretofore  has  been.  Even  they  cannot  be  so  universally  known  nor  so 
vividly  felt  as  they  were  by  the  generation  just  gone  to  rest.  At  the  close  of 
that  struggle,  nearly  every  adult  male  had  been  a  participator  in  some  of  its 
scenes.  The  consequence  was  that  of  those  scenes,  in  the  form  of  a  husband, 
a  father,  a  son,  or  a  brother,  a  living  history  was  to  be  found  in  every  family — 
a  history  bearing  the  indubitable  testimonies  of  its  own  authenticity  in  the  limbs 
mangled,  in  the  scars  of  wounds  received,  in  the  midst  of  the  very  scenes  related— 
a  history,  too,  that  could  be  read  and  understood  alike  by  all,  the  wise  and 
ignorant,  the  learned  and  the  unlearned.  But  those  histories  are  gone.  They 
can  be  read  no  more  forever.  They  were  a  fortress  of  strength;  but  what 
invading  foemen  could  never  do,  the  silent  artillery  of  time  has  done — the 
leveling  of  its  walls.  They  are  gone.  They  were  a  forest  of  giant  oaks;  but 
the  all-restless  hurricane  has  swept  over  them,  and  left  only  here  and  there 
a  lonely  trunk  despoiled  of  its  verdure,  shorn  of  its  foliage,  unshading  and 
unshaded,  to  murmur  in  a  few  more  gentle  breezes,  and  to  combat  with  mutilated 
limbs  a  few  more  rude  storms  and  then  to  sink  and  be  no  more. 

They  were  pillars  of  the  temple  of  liberty;  and  now  that  they  have  crum 
bled  away  that  temple  must  fall  unless  we,  their  descendants,  supply  their 
places  with  other  pillars,  hewn  from  the  solid  quarry  of  sober  reason.  Passion 
has  helped  us,  but  can  do  so  no  more.  It  will  in  future  be  our  enemy.  Reason — 
cold,  calculating,  unimpassioned  reason — must  furnish  all  the  materials  for 
our  future  support  and  defense.  Let  those  materials  be  molded  into  general 
intelligence,  sound  morality,  and,  in  particular,  a  reverence  for  the  Constitu 
tion  and  laws;  and  that  we  improve  to  the  last,  that  we  remained  free  to  the 
last,  that  we  revered  his  name  to  the  last,  that  during  his  long  sleep  we  per 
mitted  no  hostile  foot  to  pass  over  or  desecrate  his  resting-place,  shall  be  that 
which,  to  learn,  the  last  trumpet  shall  awaken  our  Washington. 

Upon  this  let  the  proud  fabric  of  freedom  rest,  as  the  rock  of  its  basis; 
ana  as  truly  as  it  has  been  said  of  the  only  greater  institution,  "the  gates  of  hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it." 


Words  of  Wisdom  from  the  Lips  of  Lincoln 

"Gold  is  good  in  its  place;  but  loving,  brave,  patriotic  men  are  better 
than  gold." 

"Would  you  undertake  to  disprove  a  proposition  in  Euclid  by  calling 
Euclid  a  liar?" 

"I  am  like  the  boy  that  stumped  his  toe:  hurt  too  much  to  laugh  and  too 
big  to  cry." 

"Meet  face  to  face  and  converse  together — the  best  way  to  efface  unpleasant 
feeling." 

"I  want  it  said  of  me  that  I  plucked  a  thistle  and  planted  a  flower  where 
I  thought  a  flower  would  grow." 

"Let  not  him  who  is  homeless  pull  down  the  house  of  another,  but  let  him 
labor  diligently  to  build  one  for  himself." 

"You  may  fool  all  of  the  people  some  of  the  time,  and  some  of  the  people 
all  of  the  time,  but  you  can  not  fool  all  of  the  people  all  of  the  time." 

"If  all  that  has  been  said  in  praise  of  woman  were  applied  to  the  women 
of  America,  it  would  not  do  them  justice  .  .  .  God  bless  the  women  of  America! ' 

118 


FIRST    GREAT    NATIONAL    SPEECH    OF    LINCOLN 


First  Speech  Delivered  by  Lincoln  in  the  East,  at  Fifty-one  Years  of  Age,  before  a 
Great  Mass  Meeting  at  Cooper  Union  in  New  York  City,  on  February  27,  1860 — This 
Is  the  Speech  That  First  Made  Lincoln  a  Great  National  Political  Leader  in  America 


'R.  PRESIDENT  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  NEW 
YORK:  The  facts  with  which  I  shall  deal  this  evening  are 
mainly  old  and  familiar;  nor  is  there  anything  new  in  the 
general  use  I  shall  make  of  them.  If  there  shall  be  any  novelty, 
it  will  be  in  the  mode  of  presenting  the  facts,  and  the  inferences 
and  observations  following  that  presentation.  In  his  speech  last  autumn  at 
Columbus,  Ohio,  as  reported  in  the  New  York  Times,  Senator  Douglas  said: 

Our  fathers,  when  they  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,  understood  this 
question  just  as  well,  and  even  better,  than  we  do  now. 

I  fully  indorse  this,  and  I  adopt  it  as  a  text  for  this  discourse.  I  so  adopt 
it  because  it  furnishes  a  precise  and  an  agreed  starting-point  for  a  discussion 
between  Republicans  and  that  wing  of  the  Democracy  headed  by  Senator 
Douglas.  It  simply  leaves  the  inquiry:  What  was  the  understanding  those 
fathers  had  of  the  question  mentioned  ? 

What  is  the  frame  of  government  under  which  we  live?  The  answer 
must  be,  "The  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  That  Constitution  consists 
of  the  original,  framed  in  1787,  and  under  which  the  present  government  first 
went  into  operation,  and  twelve  subsequently  framed  amendments,  the  first 
ten  of  which  were  framed  in  1789. 

Who  were  our  fathers  that  framed  the  Constitution?  I  suppose  the  "thirty- 
nine"  who  signed  the  original  instrument  may  be  fairly  called  our  fathers  who 
framed  that  part  of  the  present  government.  It  is  almost  exactly  true  to  say 
they  framed  it,  and  it  is  altogether  true  to  say  they  fairly  represent  the  opinion 
and  sentiment  of  the  whole  nation  at  that  time.  Their  names,  being  familiar 
to  nearly  all,  and  accessible  to  quite  all,  need  not  now  be  repeated. 

I  take  these  "thirty -nine, "  for  the  present,  as  being  "our  fathers  who  framed 
the  government  under  which  we  live."  What  is  the  question  which,  according 
to  the  test,  those  fathers  understood  "just  as  well,  and  even  better,  than  we 
do  now?" 

It  is  this:  Does  the  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or 
anything  in  the  Constitution,  forbid  our  Federal  government  to  control  as 
to  slavery  in  our  Federal  Territories? 

Upon  this,  Senator  Douglas  holds  the  affirmative,  and  Republicans  the 
negative.  This  affirmation  and  denial  form  an  issue;  and  this  issue — this 
question — is  precisely  what  the  text  declares  our  fathers  understood  "better 
than  we."  Let  us  now  inquire  whether  the  "thirty-nine"  or  any  of  them  ever 
acted  upon  this  question;  and  if  they  did,  how  they  acted  upon  it — how  they 
expressed  their  better  understanding.  In  1784,  three  years  before  the  Con 
stitution,  the  United  States,  then  owning  the  Northwestern  Territory,  and 
no  other,  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  had  before  them  the  question 
of  prohibiting  slavery  in  that  Territory;  and  four  of  the  "thirty -nine"  who  after 
ward  framed  the  Constitution  were  in  that  Congress,  and  voted  on  that  question. 
Of  these,  Roger  Sherman,  Thomas  Mifflin,  and  Hugh  Williamson  voted  for 
the  prohibition,  thus  showing  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line  dividing 
local  from  Federal  authority,  nor  anything  else,  properly  forbade  the  Federal 

119 


Federal  Control  Is  a  Principle  of  the  Government 

Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory.  The  other  of  the 
four,  James  McHenry,  voted  against  the  prohibition,  showing  that  for  some 
cause  he  thought  it  improper  to  vote  for  it. 

In  1787,  still  before  the  Constitution,  but  while  the  convention  was  in 
session  framing  it,  and  while  the  Northwestern  Territory  still  was  the  only 
Territory  owned  by  the  United  States,  the  same  question  of  prohibiting  slavery 
in  the  Territory  again  came  before  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation ;  and  two 
more  of  the  "thirty -nine"  who  afterward  signed  the  Constitution  were  in  that 
Congress,  and  voted  on  the  question.  They  were  William  Blount  and  William 
Few;  and  they  both  voted  for  the  prohibition — thus  showing  that  in  their 
understanding  no  line  divided  local  from  Federal  authority,  nor  anything  else, 
properly  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal 
territory.  This  time  prohibition  became  a  law,  being  part  of  what  is  now  well 
known  as  the  ordinance  of  '87. 

The  question  of  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  the  Territories  seems  not  to 
have  been  directly  before  the  convention  which  framed  the  original  Constitu 
tion ;  and  hence  it  is  not  recorded  that  the  "thirty-nine"  or  any  of  them,  while 
engaged  on  that  instrument,  expressed  any  opinion  on  that  precise  question. 

In  1789,  by  the  first  Congress  which  sat  under  the  Constitution,  an  act 
was  passed  to  enforce  the  ordinance  of  '87,  including  the  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  the  Northwestern  Territory.  The  bill  for  this  act  was  reported  by  one  of 
the  "thirty -nine" -—Thomas  Fitzsimmons,  then  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  Pennsylvania.  It  went  through  all  its  stages  without 
a  word  of  opposition,  and  finally  passed  both  branches  without  ayes  and  nays, 
which  is  equivalent  to  a  unanimous  passage.  In  this  Congress,  there  were 
sixteen  of  the  "thirty -nine"  fathers  who  framed  the  original  Constitution.  They 
were  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Gilman,  William  S.  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman, 
Robert  Morris,  Thomas  Fitzsimmons,  William  Few,  Abraham  Baldwin,  Rufus 
King,  William  Paterson,  George  Clymer,  Richard  Bassett,  George  Read,  Pierce 
Butler,  Daniel  Carrol  and  James  Madison. 

This  shows  that,  in  their  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local  from  Federal 
authority,  nor  anything  in  the  Constitution,  properly  forbade  Congress  to 
prohibit  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territory;  else  both  their  fidelity  to  correct 
principle,  and  their  oath  to  support  the  Constitution,  would  have  constrained 
them  to  oppose  the  prohibition. 

Again,  George  Washington,  another  of  the  "thirty -nine,"  was  then  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  as  such  approved  and  signed  the  bill,  thus  completing 
its  validity  as  a  law,  and  thus  showing  that,  in  his  understanding,  no  line 
dividing  local  from  Federal  authority,  nor  anything  in  the  Constitution,  for 
bade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory. 

No  great  while  after  the  adoption  of  the  original  Constitution,  North  Carolina 
ceded  to  the  Federal  Government  the  country  now  constituting  the  State  of 
Tennessee;  and  a  few  years  later  Georgia  ceded  that  which  now  constitutes 
the  States  of  Mississippi  and  Alabama.  In  both  deeds  of  cession  it  was  made 
a  condition  by  the  ceding  States  that  the  Federal  Government  should  not  prohibit 
slavery  in  the  ceded  country.  Besides  this,  slavery  was  then  actually  in  the 
ceded  country.  Under  these  circumstances,  Congress,  on  taking  charge  of 
these  countries,  did  not  absolutely  prohibit  slavery  within  them.  But  they 
did  interfere  with  it — take  control  of  it — even  there,  to  a  certain  extent.  In 

120 


Founders  of  the  Republic  Forecast  Its  Problems 

1798,  Congress  organized  the  Territory  of  Mississippi.  In  the  act  of  organi 
zation,  they  prohibited  the  bringing  of  slaves  into  the  Territory  from  any  place 
without  the  United  States,  by  fine,  and  giving  freedom  to  slaves  so  brought. 
This  act  passed  both  branches  of  Congress  without  yeas  and  nays.  In  that 
Congress,  there  were  three  of  the  "thirty -nine"  who  framed  the  original  Con 
stitution.  They  were  John  Langdon,  George  Read  and  Abraham  Baldwin. 
They  all  probably  voted  for  it.  Certainly  they  would  have  placed  their  oppo 
sition  to  it  upon  record  if,  in  their  understanding,  any  line  dividing  local  from 
Federal  authority,  or  anything  in  the  Constitution,  properly  forbade  the  Federal 
Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory. 

In  1803,  the  Federal  Government  purchased  the  Louisiana  country.  Our 
former  territorial  acquisitions  came  from  certain  of  our  States ;  but  this  Louisiana 
country  was  acquired  from  a  foreign  nation.  In  1804,  Congress  gave  a  territorial 
organization  to  that  part  of  it  which  now  constitutes  the  State  of  Louisiana. 
New  Orleans,  lying  within  that  part,  was  an  old  and  comparatively  large  city. 
There  were  other  considerable  towns  and  settlements,  and  slavery  was  exten 
sively  and  thoroughly  intermingled  with  the  people.  Congress  did  not,  in 
the  Territorial  Act,  prohibit  slavery;  but  they  did  interfere  with  it — take  control 
of  it — in  a  more  marked  and  extensive  way  than  they  did  in  the  case  of 
Mississippi.  The  substance  of  the  provision  therein  made  in  relation  to  slaves 
was  : 

1st.  That  no  slave  should  be  imported  into  the  Territory  from  foreign 
parts. 

2nd.  That  no  slave  should  be  carried  into  it  who  had  been  imported 
into  the  United  States  since  the  first  day  of  May,  1798. 

That  no  slave  should  be  carried  into  it,  except  by  the  owner,  and  for  his 
own  use  as  a  settler;  the  penalty  in  all  these  cases  being  a  fine  upon  the  violator 
of  the  law,  and  freedom  to  the  slave. 

This  act  also  was  passed  without  ayes  or  nays.  In  the  Congress  which 
passed  it  there  were  two  of  the  "thirty -nine."  They  were  Abraham  Baldwin  and 
Jonathan  Dayton.  As  stated  in  the  case  of  Mississippi,  it  is  probable  they 
both  voted  for  it.  They  would  not  have  allowed  it  to  pass  without  recording 
their  opposition  to  it  if,  in  their  understanding,  it  violated  either  the  line  properly 
dividing  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  any  provision  of  the  Constitution. 

In  1819-20  came  and  passed  the  Missouri  question.  Many  votes  were 
taken,  by  yeas  and  nays,  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  upon  the  various  phases 
of  the  general  question.  Two  of  the  "thirty-nine" — Rufus  King  and  Charles 
Pinckney — were  members  of  that  Congress.  Mr.  King  steadily  voted  for 
slavery  prohibition  and  against  all  compromises,  while  Mr.  Pinckney  as 
steadily  voted  against  slavery  prohibition  and  against  all  compromises.  By 
this,  Mr.  King  showed  that,  in  his  understanding,  no  line  dividing  local  from 
Federal  authority,  nor  anything  in  the  Constitution,  was  violated  by 
Congress  prohibiting  slavery  in  Federal  territory;  while  Mr.  Pinckney,  bv 
his  votes,  showed  that,  in  his  understanding,  there  was  some  sufficient  reason 
for  opposing  such  prohibition  in  that  case. 

The  cases  I  have  mentioned  are  the  only  acts  of  the  "thirty -nine,"  or  of 
any  of  them,  upon  the  direct  issue,  which  I  have  been  able  to  discover. 

To  enumerate,  the  persons  who  thus  acted  as  being  four  in  1784,  two  in 
1787,  seventeen  in  1789,  three  in  1798,  two  in  1804,  and  two  in  1819-20,  there 

121 


Liberty  Under  Law  Is  the  Intent  of  Our  Constitution 

would  be  thirty  of  them.  But  this  would  be  counting  John  Langdon,  Roger 
Sherman,  William  Few,  Rufus  King,  and  George  Read  each  twice,  and  Abra 
ham  Baldwin  three  times.  The  true  number  of  those  of  the  "thirty -nine" 
whom  I  have  shown  to  have  acted  upon  the  question  which,  by  the  text,  they 
understood  better  than  we,  is  twenty-three,  leaving  sixteen  not  shown  to  have 
acted  upon  it  in  any  way. 

Here,  then,  we  have  twenty-three  out  of  our  "thirty-nine"  fathers  "who 
framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,"  who  have,  upon  their  official 
responsibility  and  their  corporal  oaths,  acted  upon  the  very  question  which 
the  text  affirms  they  "understood  just  as  well,  and  even  better,  than  we  do 
now";  and  twenty-one  of  them — a  clear  majority  of  the  whole  "thirty -nine" — 
so  acting  upon  it  as  to  make  them  guilty  of  gross  political  impropriety  and 
willful  perjury  if,  in  their  understanding,  any  proper  division  between  local 
and  Federal  authority,  or  anything  in  the  Constitution  they  had  made  them 
selves,  and  sworn  to  support,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as 
to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories.  Thus  the  twenty -one  acted;  and,  as 
actions  speak  louder  than  words,  so  actions  under  such  responsibility  speak 
still  louder. 

Two  of  the  twenty-three  voted  against  congressional  prohibition  of  slavery 
in  the  Federal  Territories,  in  the  instances  in  which  they  acted  upon  the  ques 
tion.  But  for  what  reasons  they  so  voted  is  not  known.  They  may  have  done 
so  because  they  thought  a  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or 
some  provision  or  principle  of  the  Constitution,  stood  in  the  way;  or  they  may, 
without  any  such  question,  have  voted  against  the  prohibition  on  what  appeared 
to  them  to  be  sufficient  grounds  for  expediency.  No  one  who  has  sworn  to 
support  the  Constitution  can  conscientiously  vote  for  what  he  understands  to 
be  an  unconstitutional  measure,  however  expedient  he  may  think  it;  but  one 
may  and  ought  to  vote  against  a  measure  which  he  thinks  constitutional 
if,  at  the  time,  he  deems  it  inexpedient.  It,  therefore,  would  be  unsafe  to  set 
down  even  the  two  who  voted  against  the  prohibition  as  having  done  so  because, 
in  their  understanding,  any  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority, 
or  anything  in  the  Constitution,  that  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  con 
trol  as  to  slavery  in  Federal  territory. 

The  remaining  sixteen  of  the  "thirty -nine,"  so  far  as  I  discovered,  have 
left  no  record  of  their  understanding  upon  the  direct  question  of  Federal  control 
of  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories.  But  there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that 
their  understanding  upon  that  question  would  not  have  appeared  different 
from  that  of  their  twenty-three  compeers,  had  it  been  manifested  at  all. 

For  the  purpose  of  adhering  rigidly  to  the  text,  I  have  purposely  omitted 
whatever  understanding  may  have  been  manifested  by  any  person,  however 
distinguished,  other  than  the  "thirty -nine"  fathers  who  framed  the  original  Con 
stitution;  and,  for  the  same  reason,  I  have  also  omitted  whatever  understand 
ing  may  have  been  manifested  by  any  of  the  "thirty -nine,"  even  on  any  other 
phase  of  the  general  question  of  slavery.  If  we  should  look  into  their  acts 
and  declarations  on  those  other  phases,  as  the  foreign  slave-trade,  and  the 
morality  and  policy  of  slavery  generally,  it  would  appear  to  us  that  on  the 
direct  question  of  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  Federal  Territories,  the  six 
teen,  if  they  had  acted  at  all  would  probably  have  acted  just  as  the  twenty- 
three  did.  Among  that  sixteen  were  several  of  the  most  noted  anti-slavery 

122 


Intent  of  the  Fathers  of  the  American  Republic 

men  of  those  times, — as  Dr.  Franklin,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  Gouverneur 
Morris, — while  there  was  not  one  now  known  to  be  otherwise,  unless  it  may  be 
John  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina. 

The  sum  of  the  whole  is  that  of  our  "thirty-nine"  fathers  who  framed  the 
original  Constitution,  twenty-one — a  clear  majority  of  the  whole — certainly 
understood  that  no  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  nor  any 
part  of  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  slavery 
in  the  Federal  Territories;  while  all  the  rest  had  probably  the  same  understand 
ing.  Such,  unquestionably,  was  the  understanding  of  our  fathers  who  framed 
the  original  Constitution ;  and  the  text  affirms  that  they  understood  the  question 
"better  than  we." 

But,  so  far,  I  have  been  considering  the  understanding  of  the  question 
manifested  by  the  framers  of  the  original  Constitution.  In  and  by  the  original 
instrument,  a  mode  was  provided  for  amending  it;  and,  as  I  have  already  stated, 
the  present  frame  of  "the  government  under  which  we  live"  consists  of  that 
original,  and  twelve  amendatory  articles,  and  not  in  the  original  instrument. 
Those  who  now  insist  that  Federal  control  of  slavery  in  Federal  Territories 
violates  the  Constitution,  point  us  to  the  provisions  which  they  suppose  it 
thus  violates;  and,  as  I  understand,  they  all  fix  upon  provisions  in 
these  amendatory  articles,  and  not  in  the  original  instrument.  The 
Supreme  Court,  in  the  Dred  Scott  case,  plant  themselves  upon  the  fifth 
amendment,  which  provides  that  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  "life,  liberty, 
or  property,  without  the  due  process  of  law";  while  Senator  Douglas  and  his 
peculiar  adherents  plant  themselves  upon  the  Tenth  Amendment,  provided  that 
"the  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution"  "are 
reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or  to  the  people." 

Now,  it  so  happens  that  these  amendments  were  framed  by  the  first 
Congress  which  sat  under  the  Constitution — the  identical  Congress  which  passed 
the  act,  already  mentioned,  enforcing  the  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the  North 
western  Territory.  Not  only  was  it  the  same  Congress,  but  they  were  the 
very  identical,  same  individual  men  who,  at  the  same  session,  and  at  the  same 
time  within  the  session,  had  under  consideration,  and  in  progress  toward 
maturity,  these  constitutional  amendments,  and  this  act  prohibiting  slavery 
in  all  the  territory  the  nation  then  owned.  The  constitutional  amendments 
were  introduced  before,  and  passed  after,  the  act  of  enforcing  the  ordinance 
of  '87;  so  that,  during  the  whole  pendency  of  the  act  to  enforce  the  ordinance, 
the  constitutional  amendments  were  also  pending. 

The  seventy-six  members  of  that  Congress,  including  sixteen  of  the 
framers  of  the  original  Constitution,  as  before  stated,  were  pre-eminently  our 
fathers  who  framed  that  part  of  "the  government  under  which  we  live"  which 
is  now  claimed  as  forbidding  the  Federal  Government  to  control  slavery  in  the 
Federal  Territories. 

Is  it  not  a  little  presumptuous  in  anyone  at  this  day  to  affirm  that  the 
two  things  which  that  Congress  deliberately  framed,  and  carried  to  maturity 
at  the  same  time,  are  absolutely  inconsistent  with  each  other?  And  does  not 
such  affirmation  become  impudently  absurd  when  coupled  with  the  other  affir 
mation,  from  the  same  mouth,  that  those  who  did  the  two  things  alleged  to 
be  inconsistent,  understood  whether  they  really  were  inconsistent  better  than- 
we — better  than  he  who  affirms  that  they  are  inconsistent  ? 


Honest  Conviction  Is  the  Inherent  Right  of  Man 

It  is  surely  safe  to  assume  that  the  thirty-nine  framers  of  the  original 
Constitution,  and  the  seventy-six  members  of  the  Congress  which  framed  the 
amendments  thereto,  taken  together,  do  certainly  include  those  who  may  be 
fairly  called  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live." 
And  so  assuming,  I  defy  any  man  to  show  that  any  one  of  them  ever,  in  his 
whole  life,  declared  that,  in  his  understanding,  any  proper  division  of  local 
from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal 
Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories.  I  go  a  step 
further.  I  defy  anyone  to  show  that  any  living  man  in  the  whole  world  ever 
did,  prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  (and  I  might  almost  say 
prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  last  half  century)  declare  that,  in  his  understand 
ing,  any  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the 
Constitution,  forbade  the  Federal  Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the 
Federal  Territories.  To  those  who  now  so  declare  I  give  not  only  "our  fathers 
who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live,"  but  with  them  all  other 
living  men  within  the  century  in  which  it  was  framed,  among  whom  to  search, 
and  they  shall  not  be  able  to  find  the  evidence  of  a  single  man  agreeing  with 
them. 

Now,  and  here,  let  me  guard  a  little  against  being  misunderstood.  I  do 
not  mean  to  say  we  are  bound  to  follow  implicitly  in  whatever  our  fathers 
did.  To  do  so  would  be  to  discard  all  the  lights  of  current  experience — to 
reject  all  progress,  all  improvement.  What  I  do  say  is  that  if  we  would  sup 
plant  the  opinions  and  policy  of  our  fathers  in  any  case,  we  should  do  so  upon 
evidence  so  conclusive,  and  argument  so  clear,  that  even  their  great  authority, 
fairly  considered  and  weighed,  cannot  stand;  and  most  surely  not  in  a  case 
whereof  we  ourselves  declare  they  understood  the  question  better  than  we. 

If  any  man  at  this  day  sincerely  believes  that  a  proper  division  of  local 
from  Federal  authority,  or  any  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbids  the  Federal 
Government  to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories,  he  is  right  to  say 
so,  and  to  enforce  his  position  by  truthful  evidence  and  fair  argument  which 
he  can.  But  he  has  no  right  to  mislead  others,  who  have  less  access  to  history, 
and  less  leisure  to  study  it,  into  the  false  belief  that  "our  fathers  who  framed 
the  government  under  which  we  live"  were  of  the  same  opinion — thus  substi 
tuting  falsehood  and  deception  for  truthful  evidence  and  fair  argument.  If 
any  man  at  this  day  sincerely  believes  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  government 
under  which  we  live"  used  and  applied  principles,  in  other  cases,  which  ought 
to  have  led  them  to  understand  that  a  proper  division  of  local  from  Federal 
authority,  or  some  part  of  the  Constitution,  forbids  the  Federal  Government 
to  control  as  to  slavery  in  the  Federal  Territories,  he  is  right  to  say  so.  But 
he  should,  at  the  same  time,  brave  the  responsibility  of  declaring  that  in  his 
opinion,  he  understands  their  principles  better  than  they  did  themselves;  and 
especially  should  he  not  shirk  that  responsibility  by  asserting  that  they  "under 
stood  the  question  as  well,  and  even  better,  than  we  do  now." 

But  enough!  Let  all  who  believe  that  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  gov 
ernment  under  which  we  live  understood  this  question  just  as  well,  and  even 
better,  than  we  do  now,"  speak  as  they  spoke,  and  act  as  they  acted  upon  it. 
This  is  all  Republicans  ask — all  Republicans  desire — in  relation  to  slavery. 
As  those  fathers  marked  it,  so  let  it  be  again  marked,  as  an  evil  not  to  be 
extended,  but  to  be  tolerated  and  protected  only  because  of  and  so  far  as  its 

124 


Argument  Is  the  Life  of  Political  Conscience 

actual  presence  among  us  makes  that  toleration  and  protection  a  necessity. 
Let  all  the  guarantees  those  fathers  gave  it  be  not  grudgingly,  but  fully  and 
fairly,  maintained.  For  this  Republicans  contend,  and  with  this,  so  far  as 
I  know  or  believe,  they  will  be  content. 

And  now,  if  they  would  listen, — as  I  suppose  they  will  not — I  would 
address  a  few  words  to  the  Southern  people. 

I  would  say  to  them:  You  consider  yourselves  a  reasonable  and  a  just 
people;  and  I  consider  that  in  the  general  qualities  of  reason  and  justice  you 
are  not  inferior  to  any  other  people.  Still,  when  you  speak  of  us  Republicans, 
you  do  so  only  to  denounce  us  as  reptiles,  or,  at  the  best,  as  no  better  than 
outlaws.  You  will  grant  a  hearing  to  pirates  or  murderers,  but  nothing  like 
it  to  "Black  Republicans."  In  all  your  contentions  with  one  another,  each 
of  you  deem  an  unconditional  condemnation  of  "Black  Republicanism"  as  the 
first  thing  to  be  attended  to.  Indeed,  such  condemnation  of  us  seems  to  be 
an  indispensable  prerequisite — license  so  to  speak — among  you  to  be  admitted 
or  permitted  to  speak  at  all.  Now  can  you  or  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  pause 
and  to  consider  whether  this  is  quite  just  to  us,  or  even  to  yourselves?  Bring 
forward  your  charges  and  specifications,  and  then  be  patient  long  enough  to 
hear  us  deny  or  justify. 

You  say  we  are  sectional.  We  deny  it.  That  makes  an  issue;  and  the 
burden  of  proof  is  upon  you.  You  produce  your  proof;  and  what  is  it?  Why, 
that  our  party  has  no  existence  in  your  section — gets  no  votes  in  your  section. 
The  fact  is  substantially  true;  but  does  it  prove  the  issue?  If  it  does,  then 
in  case  we  should,  without  change  of  principle,  begin  to  get  votes  in  your 
section,  we  should  thereby  cease  to  be  sectional.  You  cannot  escape  this 
conclusion;  and  yet,  are  you  willing  to  abide  by  if?  If  you  are,  you  will  prob 
ably  soon  find  that  we  have  ceased  to  be  sectional,  for  we  shall  get  votes  in 
your  section  this  very  year.  You  will  then  begin  to  discover,  as  the  truth  plainly 
is,  that  your  proof  does  not  touch  the  issue.  The  fact  that  we  get  no  votes  in 
your  section  is  a  fact  of  your  making,  and  not  of  ours.  And  if  there  be  fault  in  that 
fact,  that  fault  is  primarily  yours,  and  remains  so  until  you  show  that  we  repel 
you  by  some  wrong  principle  or  practice.  If  we  do  repel  you  by  any  wrong 
principle  or  practice,  the  fault  is  ours;  but  this  brings  you  to  where  you  ought 
to  have  started — a  discussion  of  the  right  or  wrong  of  our  principle.  If  our 
principle,  put  in  practice,  would  wrong  your  section  for  the  benefit  of  ours,  or 
for  any  other  object,  then  our  principle  and  we  with  it  are  sectional,  and 
are  justly  opposed  and  denounced  as  such.  Meet  us,  then,  on  the  question  ot 
whether  our  principle,  put  in  practice,  would  wrong  your  section;  and  so  meet 
us  if  it  were  possible  that  something  may  be  said  on  our  side.  Do  you  accept 
the  challenge?  No!  Then  you  really  believe  that  the  principle  which  "our 
fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live"  thought  so  clearly 
right  as  to  adopt  it,  and  indorse  it  again  and  again,  upon  their  official  oaths, 
is  in  fact  so  clearly  wrong  as  to  demand  your  condemnation  without  a  moment's 
consideration. 

Some  of  you  delight  to  flaunt  in  our  faces  the  warning  against  sectional 
parties  given  by  Washington  in  his  Farewell  Address.  Less  than  eight  years 
before  Washington  gave  that  warning,  he  had,  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  approved  and  signed  an  act  of  Congress  enforcing  the  prohibition  of 
slavery  in  the  Northwest  Territory,  which  act  embodied  the  policy  of  the 

125 


True  Conservatism  Must  Not  Deny  Stable  Progress 

government  upon  that  subject  up  to  and  at  the  very  moment  he  penned  that 
warning;  and  about  a  year  after  he  penned  it,  he  wrote  Lafayette  that  he  con 
sidered  that  prohibition  a  wise  measure,  expressing  in  the  same  connection 
his  hope  that  we  should  at  some  time  have  a  confederacy  of  free  States. 

Bearing  this  in  mind,  and  seeing  that  sectionalism  has  since  arisen  upon 
this  same  subject,  is  that  warning  a  weapon  in  your  hands  against  us,  or  in  our 
hands  against  you  ?  Could  Washington  himself  speak,  would  he  cast  the  blame 
of  that  sectionalism  upon  us,  who  sustain  his  policy,  or  upon  you,  who  repudiate 
it  ?  We  respect  that  warning  of  Washington,  and  we  commend  it  to  you,  together 
with  his  example  pointing  to  the  right  application  of  it. 

But  you  say  you  are  conservative — eminently  conservative — while  we  are 
revolutionary,  destructive,  or  something  of  the  sort.  What  is  conservatism? 
Is  it  not  adherence  to  the  old  and  tried,  against  the  new  and  untried?  We 
stick  to,  contend  for,  the  identical  old  policy  on  the  point  in  controversy  which 
was  adopted  by  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live"; 
while  you  with  one  accord  reject,  and  scout,  nd  spit  upon  that  old  policy,  and 
insist  upon  substituting  something  new.  True,  you  disagree  among  yourselves 
as  to  what  that  substitute  shall  be.  You  are  divided  on  new  propositions  and 
plans,  but  you  are  unanimous  in  rejecting  and  denouncing  the  old  policy  of 
the  fathers.  Some  of  you  are  for  reviving  the  foreign  slave-trade;  some  for 
a  congressional  slave  code  for  the  Territories;  some  for  Congress  forbidding 
the  Territories  to  prohibit  slavery  within  their  limits;  some  for  maintaining 
slavery  in  the  Territories  through  the  judiciary;  some  for  the  "gur-reat  pur- 
rinciple"  that  "if  one  man  would  enslave  another,  no  third  man  should  object," 
fantastically  called  "popular  sovereignty";  but  never  a  man  among  you  is  in 
favor  of  Federal  prohibition  of  slavery  in  Federal  Territories,  according  to 
the  practice  of  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live." 
Not  one  of  all  your  various  plans  can  show  a  precedent  or  an  advocate  in  the 
century  within  which  our  government  originated.  Consider,  then,  whether 
your  claim  of  conservatism  for  yourselves,  and  your  charge  of  destructiveness 
against  us,  are  based  on  the  most  clear  and  stable  foundations. 

Again,  you  say  we  have  made  the  slavery  question  more  prominent 
than  it  formerly  was.  We  deny  it.  We  admit  that  it  is  more  prominent,  but 
•we  deny  that  we  made  it  so.  It  was  not  we,  but  you,  who  discarded  the  old 
policy  of  the  fathers.  We  resisted,  and  still  resist,  your  innovation;  and  thence 
comes  the  greater  prominence  of  the  question.  Would  you  have  that  question 
reduced  to  its  former  proportions  ?  Go  back  to  that  old  policy.  What  has 
been  will  be  again,  under  the  same  conditions.  If  you  would  have  the  peace  of 
the  old  times,  re-adopt  the  precepts  and  policy  of  the  old  times. 

You  charge  that  we  stir  up  insurrections  among  your  slaves.  We  deny  it; 
and  what  is  your  proof?  Harper's  Ferry!  John  Brown!  John  Brown  was 
no  Republican;  and  you  have  failed  to  implicate  a  single  Republican  in  his 
Harper's  Ferry  enterprise.  If  any  member  of  our  party  is  guilty  in  that  matter, 
you  know  it,  or  you  do  not  know  it.  If  you  do  know  it,  you  are  inexcusable 
for  not  designating  the  man  and  proving  the  fact.  If  you  do  not  know  it,  you 
are  inexcusable  for  asserting  it,  and  especially  for  persisting  in  the  assertion 
after  you  have  tried  and  failed  to  make  the  proof.  You  need  not  be  told  that 
persisting  in  a  charge  which  one  does  not  know  to  be  true,  is  simply  malicious 
slander. 

126 


New  Political  Parties  Are  Always  Galled  Radical 

Some  of  you  admit  that  no  Republican  designedly  aided  or  encouraged  the 
Harper's  Ferry  affair,  but  still  insist  that  our  doctrines  and  declarations  neces 
sarily  lead  to  such  results.  We  do  not  believe  it.  We  know  we  hold  no  doc 
trine,  and  make  no  declaration,  which  were  not  held  to  and  made  by  "our 
fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live."  You  never  dealt 
fairly  by  us  in  relation  to  this  affair.  When  it  occurred,  some  important  State 
elections  were  near  at  hand,  and  you  were  in  evident  glee  with  the  belief  that, 
by  charging  the  blame  upon  us,  you  could  get  an  advantage  of  us  in  those 
elections.  The  elections  came  and  your  expectations  were  not  quite  fulfilled. 
Every  Republican  man  knew  that,  as  to  himself  at  least,  your  charge  was  a 
slander,  and  he  was  not  much  inclined  by  it  to  cast  his  vote  in  your  favor. 
Republican  doctrines  and  declarations  are  accompanied  with  a  continual  protest 
against  any  interference  whatever  with  your  slaves,  or  with  you  about  your 
slaves.  Surely,  this  does  not  encourage  them  to  revolt.  True,  we  do,  in 
common  with  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  government  under  which  we  live," 
declare  our  belief  that  slavery  is  wrong ;  but  the  slaves  do  not  hear  us  declare 
even  this.  For  anything  we  say  or  do,  the  slaves  would  scarcely  know  that 
there  is  a  Republican  party.  I  believe  they  would  not,  in  fact,  generally  know 
it  but  for  your  misrepresentations  of  us  in  their  hearing.  In  your  political 
contests  among  yourselves,  each  faction  charges  the  other  with  sympathy  with 
Black  Republicanism;  and  then,  to  give  point  to  the  charge,  defines 
Black  Republicanism  to  simply  be  insurrection,  blood  and  thunder  among 
the  slaves. 

Slave  insurrections  are  no  more  common  now  than  they  were  before  the 
Republican  party  was  organized.  What  induced  the  Southampton  insurrection, 
twenty-eight  years  ago,  in  which  at  least  three  times  as  many  lives  were  lost 
as  at  Harper's  Ferry  ?  You  can  scarcely  stretch  your  very  elastic  fancy  to  the 
conclusion  that  Southampton  was  "got  up  by  Black  Republicanism."  In  the 
present  state  of  things  in  the  United  States,  I  do  not  think  a  general,  or  even 
a  very  extensive,  slave  insurrection  is  possible.  The  indispensable  concert  of 
action  cannot  be  attained.  The  slaves  have  no  means  of  rapid  communication; 
nor  can  incendiary  freemen,  black  or  white,  supply  it.  The  explosive 
materials  are  everywhere  in  parcels;  but  there  neither  are,  nor  can  be  supplied, 
the  indispensable  connecting  trains. 

Much  is  said  by  Southern  people  about  the  affection  of  slaves  for  their 
masters  and  mistresses;  and  a  part  of  it,  at  least,  is  true.  A  plot  for  an  uprising 
could  scarcely  be  devised  and  communicated  to  twenty  individuals  before 
some  one  of  them,  to  save  the  life  of  a  favorite  master  or  mistress,  would 
divulge  it.  This  is  the  rule;  and  the  slave  revolution  in  Hayti  was  not  an 
exception  to  it,  but  a  case  occurring  under  peculiar  circumstances.  The  gun 
powder  plot  of  English  history,  though  not  connected  with  slaves,  was  more 
in  point.  In  that  case  only  about  twenty  were  admitted  to  the  secret;  and 
yet  one  of  them  in  his  anxiety  to  save  a  friend,  betrayed  the  plot  to  that  friend, 
and,  by  consequences,  averted  that  calamity.  Occasional  poisonings  from  the 
kitchen,  and  open  or  stealthy  assassinations  in  the  field,  and  local  revolts 
extending  to  a  score  or  so,  will  continue  to  occur  as  the  natural  results  of 
slavery;  but  no  general  insurrection  of  slaves,  as  I  think,  can  happen  in  this 
country  for  a  long  time.  Whoever  much  fears,  or  much  hopes,  for  such  an 
event,  will  be  alike  disappointed. 

m 


A  People's  Hopes  May  Be  Restrained — Never  Destroyed 

In  the  language  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  uttered  many  years  ago,  "It  is  still  in 
our  power  to  direct  the  process  of  emancipation  and  deportation  peaceably, 
and  in  such  slow  degrees  as  that  the  evil  will  wear  off  insensibly ;  and  their  places 
be,  pari  passu,  filled  up  by  white  laborers.  If,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  left  to 
force  itself  on,  human  nature  must  shudder  at  the  prospect  held  up." 

Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  seem  to  say,  nor  do  I,  that  the  power  of  emancipation 
is  in  the  Federal  Government.  He  spoke  of  Virginia;  and,  as  to  the  power  of 
emancipation,  I  speak  of  the  slave-holding  States  only.  The  Federal  Govern 
ment,  however,  as  we  insist,  has  the  power  of  restraining  the  extension  of  the 
institution — the  power  to  insure  that  a  slave  insurrection  shall  never  occur 
on  any  American  soil  which  is  now  free  from  slavery. 

John  Brown's  effort  was  peculiar.  It  was  not  a  slave  insurrection.  It 
was  an  attempt  by  white  men  to  get  up  a  revolt  among  slaves,  in  which  the 
slaves  refused  to  participate.  In  fact,  it  was  so  absurd  that  the  slaves,  with 
all  their  ignorance,  saw  plainly  enough  it  could  not  succeed.  That  affair,  in 
its  philosophy,  corresponds  with  the  many  attempts,  related  in  history, 
at  the  assassination  of  kings  and  emperors.  An  enthusiast  broods  over  the 
oppression  of  a  people  till  he  fancies  himself  commissioned  by  Heaven  to  lib 
erate  them.  He  ventures  the  attempt,  which  ends  in  little  less  than  his  own 
execution.  Orsini's  attempt  on  Louis  Napoleon,  and  John  Brown's  attempt 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  were,  in  their  philosophy,  precisely  the  same.  The  eager 
ness  to  cast  blame  on  Old  England  in  the  one  case,  and  on  New  England  in  the 
other,  does  not  disprove  the  sameness  of  the  two  things. 

And  how  much  would  it  avail  you,  if  you  could,  by  the  use  of  John  Brown, 
Helper's  Book,  and  the  like,  break  up  the  Republican  organization?  Human 
action  can  be  modified  to  some  extent,  but  human  nature  cannot  be  changed. 
There  is  a  judgment  and  a  feeling  against  slavery  in  this  nation,  which  cast 
at  least  a  million  and  a  half  votes.  You  cannot  destroy  that  judgment  and 
feeling — that  sentiment — by  breaking  up  the  political  organization  which 
rallies  around  it.  You  can  scarcely  scatter  and  disperse  an  army  which  has 
been  formed  into  order  in  the  face  of  your  heaviest  fire;  but  if  you  could,  how 
much  would  you  gain  by  forcing  the  sentiment  which  created  it  out  of  the 
peaceful  channel  of  the  ballot-box  into  some  other  channel.  What  would  that 
other  channel  probably  be  ?  Would  the  number  of  John  Browns  be  lessened 
or  enlarged  by  the  operation  ? 

But  you  will  break  up  the  Union  rather  than  submit  to  a  denial  of  your 
constitutional  rights. 

That  has  a  somewhat  reckless  sound;  but  it  would  be  palliated,  if  not  fully 
justified,  were  we  proposing,  by  the  mere  force  of  numbers,  to  deprive  you  of 
some  right  plainly  written  down  in  the  Constitution.  But  we  are  proposing 
no  such  thing. 

When  you  make  these  declarations  you  have  a  specific  and  well  under 
stood  allusion  to  an  assumed  constitutional  right  of  yours  to  take  slaves  into 
the  Federal  Territories,  and  to  hold  them  there  as  property.  But  no  such 
right  is  specifically  written  in  the  Constitution.  That  instrument  is  literally 
silent  about  any  such  right.  We,  on  the  contrary,  deny  that  such  a  right 
exists  in  the  Constitution,  even  by  implication. 

Your  purpose,  then,  plainly  stated,  is  that  you  will  destroy  the  government, 

128 


Rule  or  Ruin  Is  Not  a  Principle  of  Self-Government 

unless  you  be  allowed  to  construe  and  force  the  Constitution  as  you  please, 
on  all  points  in  dispute  between  you  and  us.     You  will  rule  or  ruin  in  all  events. 

This,  plainly  stated,  is  your  language.  Perhaps  you  will  say  the  Supreme 
Court  has  decided  the  disputed  and  constitutional  question  in  your  favor.  Not 
quite  so.  But  waiving  the  lawyer's  distinction  between  dictum  and  decision, 
the  court  has  decided  the  question  for  you  in  a  sort  of  way.  The  court  has 
substantially  said,  it  is  your  constitutional  right  to  take  slaves  into  the  Federal 
Territories,  and  to  hold  them  there  as  property.  When  I  say  the  decision  was 
made  in  a  sort  of  way,  I  mean  it  was  made  in  a  divided  court,  by  a  bare 
majority  of  the  judges,  and  they  not  quite  agreeing  with  one  another  in  the 
reasons  for  making  it ;  that  it  is  so  made  as  that  its  avowed  supporters  disagree 
with  one  another  about  its  meaning,  and  that  it  was  mainly  based  upon  a  mis 
taken  statement  of  fact — the  statement  in  the  opinion  that  "the  right 
of  property  in  a  slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution." 

An  inspection  of  the  Constitution  will  show  that  the  right  of  property 
in  a  slave  is  not  "distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed"  in  it.  Bear  in  mind, 
the  judges  do  not  pledge  their  judicial  opinion  that  such  right  is 
impliedly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution;  but  they  pledge  their  veracity,  that  it 
is  "distinctly  and  expressly"  affirmed  there — "distinctly,"  that  is,  not  mingled 
with  anything  else — "expressly,"  that  is,  in  words  meaning  just  that,  without 
the  aid  of  any  inference,  and  susceptible  of  no  other  meaning. 

If  they  had  only  pledged  their  judicial  opinion  that  such  right  is  affirmed 
in  the  instrument  by  implication,  it  would  be  open  to  others  to  show  that 
neither  the  word  "slave"  nor  "slavery"  is  to  be  found  in  the  Constitution, 
nor  the  word  "property"  even,  in  any  connection  with  language  alluding  to  the 
things  slaves  or  slavery ;  and  that  wherever  in  that  instrument  the  slave  is  alluded 
to,  he  is  called  a  "person" ;  and  wherever  his  master's  legal  right  in  relation  to  him 
is  alluded  to,  it  is  spoken  of  as  "service  or  labor  which  may  be  due" — as  a  debt 
payable  in  service  or  labor.  Also  it  would  be  open  to  show,  by  contemporaneous 
history,  that  this  mode  of  alluding  to  slaves  and  slavery,  instead  of  speaking 
of  them,  was  employed  on  purpose  to  exclude  from  the  Constitution  the  idea 
that  there  could  be  property  in  man. 

To  show  all  this  is  easy  and  certain: 

When  this  obvious  mistake  of  the  judges  shall  be  brought  to  their  notice, 
is  it  not  reasonable  to  expect  that  they  will  withdraw  the  mistaken  statement, 
and  reconsider  the  conclusion  based  upon  it  ? 

And  then  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  "our  fathers  who  framed  the  govern 
ment  under  which  we  live" — the  men  who  made  the  Constitution — decided 
this  same  constitutional  question  in  our  favor  long  ago ;  decided  it  without  division 
among  themselves  when  making  the  decision;  without  division  among  them 
selves;  without  the  meaning  of  it  after  it  was  made,  and,  so  far  as  any  evidence' 
is  left,  without  basing  it  upon  any  mistaken  statement  of  facts. 

Under  all  these  circumstances,  do  you  really  feel  yourselves  justified  to  break 
up  this  government  unless  such  a  court  decision  as  yours  is  shall  be  at  once 
submitted  to  as  a  conclusive  and  final  rule  of  political  action  ?  But  you  will 
not  abide  the  election  of  a  Republican  president !  In  that  supposed  event, 
you  say,  you  will  destroy  the  Union;  and  then,  you  say,  the  great  crime  of 
having  destroyed  it  will  be  upon  us!  That  is  cool.  A  highwayman  holds 

129 


To  Extort  a  Vote — Like  Extorting  Money — Is  Robbery 

a  pistol  to  my  ear,  and  mutters  through  his  teeth,  "Stand  and  deliver,  or 
I  shall  kill  you,  and  then  you  will  be  a  murderer!" 

To  be  sure,  what  the  robber  demanded  of  me — my  money — was  my  own; 
and  I  had  a  clear  right  to  keep  it;  but  it  was  no  more  my  own  than  my  vote 
is  my  own;  and  the  threat  of  death  to  me,  to  extort  my  money,  and  the  threat  of 
destruction  to  the  Union,  to  extort  my  vote,  can  scarcely  be  distinguished 
in  principle. 

A  few  words  now  to  Republicans.  It  is  exceedingly  desirable  that  all 
parts  of  this  great  Confederacy  shall  be  at  peace,  and  in  harmony  one  with  another. 
Let  us  Republicans  do  our  part  to  have  it  so.  Even  though  much  provoked, 
let  us  do  nothing  through  passion  and  ill  temper.  Even  though  the  Southern 
people  will  not  so  much  as  listen  to  us,  let  us  calmly  consider  their  demands, 
and  yield  to  them  if,  in  our  deliberate  view  of  duty,  we  possibly  can.  Judging 
by  all  they  say  and  do,  and  by  the  subject  and  nature  of  their  controversy 
with  us,  let  us  determine,  if  we  can,  what  will  satisfy  them. 

Will  they  be  satisfied  if  the  Territories  be  unconditionally  surrendered 
to  them?  We  know  they  will  not.  In  all  their  present  complaints  against 
us,  the  Territories  are  scarcely  mentioned.  Invasions  and  insurrections  are 
the  rage  now.  Will  it  satisfy  them,  if,  in  the  future,  we  have  nothing  to  do 
with  invasions  and  insurrections  ?  We  know  it  will  not.  We  so  know,  because 
we  know  we  never  had  anything  to  do  with  invasions  and  insurrections; 
and  yet  this  total  abstaining  does  not  exempt  us  from  the  charge  and  the 
denunciation. 

The  question  recurs  what  will  satisfy  them?  Simply  this:  We  must 
not  only  let  them  alone,  but  we  must  somehow  convince  them  that  we  do  let 
them  alone.  This,  we  know  by  experience,  is  no  easy  task.  We  have  been 
so  trying  to  convince  them  from  the  beginning  of  our  organization,  but  with 
no  success.  In  all  our  platforms  and  speeches  we  have  constantly  protested 
our  purpose  to  let  them  alone ;  but  this  has  had  no  tendency  to  convince  them. 
Alike  unavailing  to  convince  them  is  the  fact  that  they  have  never  detected 
a  man  of  us  in  any  attempt  to  disturb  them. 

These  natural  and  apparently  adequate  means  all  failing,  what  will  con 
vince  them?  This,  and  this  only:  Cease  to  call  slavery  wrong,  and  join  them 
in  calling  it  right.  And  this  must  be  done  thoroughly — done  in  acts  as  well 
as  in  words.  Silence  will  not  be  tolerated — we  must  place  ourselves  avowedly 
with  them.  Senator  Douglas's  new  sedition  law  must  be  enacted  and  enforced, 
suppressing  all  declarations  that  slavery  is  wrong,  whether  made  in  politics, 
in  presses,  in  pulpits,  or  in  private.  We  must  arrest  and  return  their  fugitive 
slaves  with  greedy  pleasure.  We  must  pull  down  our  free-State  constitutions. 
The  whole  atmosphere  must  be  disinfected  from  all  taint  of  opposition  to  slavery, 
before  they  will  cease  to  believe  that  all  their  troubles  proceed  from  us. 

I  am  quite  aware  they  do  not  state  their  case  precisely  in  this  way.  Most 
of  them  would  probably  say  to  us,  "Let  us  alone;  do  nothing  to  us,  and  say 
what  you  please  about  slavery."  But  we  do  let  them  alone,  I  have  never 
disturbed  them, — so  that,  after  all,  it  is  what  we  say  which  dissatisfies  them. 
They  will  continue  to  accuse  us  of  doing,  until  we  cease  saying. 

I  am  also  aware  that  they  have  not  as  yet  in  terms  demanded  the  over 
throw  of  our  free-State  constitutions.  Yet  these  constitutions  declare  the 
wrong  of  slavery  with  more  solemn  emphasis  than  do  all  other  sayings  against 

130 


Let  Us  Dare  to  Do  Our  Duty  as  We  Understand  It 

it;  and,  when  all  these  other  sayings  have  been  silenced,  the  overthrow  of  these 
constitutions  will  be  demanded,  and  nothing  be  left  to  resist  the  demand. 
It  is  nothing  to  the  contrary  that  they  do  not  demand  the  whole  of  this  just 
now.  Demanding  what  they  do,  and  for  the  reason  they  do,  they  can  volun 
tarily  stop  nowhere  short  of  this  consummation.  Holding,  as  they  do,  that 
slavery  is  morally  right  and  socially  elevating,  they  cannot  cease  to  demand 
a  full  national  recognition  of  it  as  a  legal  right  and  social  blessing. 

Nor  can  we  justifiably  withhold  this  on  any  ground  save  our  conviction 
that  slavery  is  wrong.  If  slavery  is  rignt,  all  words,  acts,  laws,  and  constitu 
tions  against  it  are  themselves  wrong,  and  should  be  silenced  and  swept  away. 
If  it  is  right,  we  cannot  justly  object  to  its  nationality — its  universality;  if 
it  is  wrong,  they  cannot  justly  insist  upon  its  extension — its  enlargement.  All 
they  ask  we  could  readily  grant,  if  we  thought  slavery  right;  all  we  ask  they 
could  as  readily  grant,  if  they  thought  it  wrong.  Their  thinking  it  right  and 
our  thinking  it  wrong  is  the  precise  fact  upon  which  depends  the  whole  con 
troversy.  Thinking  it  right,  as  they  do,  they  are  not  to  blame  for  desiring 
its  full  recognition  as  being  right;  but  thinking  it  wrong  as  we  do,  can  we  yield 
to  them  ?  Can  we  cast  our  votes  with  their  view,  and  against  our  own  ?  In 
view  of  our  moral,  social,  and  political  responsibilities,  can  we  do  this? 

Wrong  as  we  think  slavery  is,  we  can  yet  afford  to  let  it  alone  where  it 
is,  because  that  much  is  due  to  the  necessity  arising  from  its  actual  presence 
in  the  nation;  but  can  we,  while  our  votes  will  prevent  it,  allow  it  to  spread 
into  the  national  Territories,  and  to  overrun  us  here  in  these  free  States?  If 
our  sense  of  duty  forbids  this,  then  let  us  stand  by  our  duty  fearlessly  and 
effectively.  Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of  those  sophistical  contrivances 
wherewith  we  are  so  industriously  plied  and  belabored — contrivances  such 
as  groping  for  some  middle  ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong:  vain  as 
the  search  for  a  man  who  should  be  neither  a  living  man  nor  a  dead  man ;  such 
as  a  policy  of  "don't  care"  on  a  question  about  which  all  true  men  do  care; 
such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching  true  Union  men  to  yield  to  Disunionists, 
reversing  the  divine  rule,  and  calling,  not  the  sinners,  but  the  righteous  to 
repentance;  such  as  invocations  to  Washington,  imploring  men  to  unsay  what 
Washington  said  and  undo  what  Washington  did. 

Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by  false  accusations  against 
us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by  menaces  of  destruction  to  the  government,  nor 
of  dungeons  to  ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in 
that  faith  let  us  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand  it. 


"Be  sure  you  put  your  feet  in  the  right  place,  then  stand  firm." 
"When  you  have  written  a  wrathful  letter — put  it  in  the  stove/" 
"Suspicion  and  jealousy  never  did  help  any  man  in  any  situation." 
"Never  get  between  the  woman's  skillet  and  the  man's  axhelve." 
"Shakespeare  was  the  best  judge  of  human  nature  that  ever  wrote." 
"It  is  better  only  sometimes  to  be  right  than  at  all  times  to  be  wrong." 
"If  men  never  began  to  drink  they  would  never  become  drunkards." 
"Don't  shoot  too  high — aim  low  and  the  common  people  will  understand." 
"I  do  not  think  much   of   a   man   who   is   not   wiser  today  than  he  was 
yesterday." 

131 


SPEECHES   IN   LINCOLN'S  POLITICAL  GREATNESS 


Lincoln's  Speech  in  Accepting  Nomination  for  President  of  the  United  States  at 
His  Home    in    Springfield,    Illinois,    May    19,    1860,    at    Fifty-one   Years   of   Age 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE: 
I  tender  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  Republican  National  Convention, 
and  all  the  people  represented  in  it,  my  profoundest  thanks  for  the  high  honor 
done  me,  which  you  now  formally  announce. 

Deeply,  and  even  painfully  sensible  of  the  great  responsibility  which  is 
inseparable  from  this  high  honor — a  responsibility  which  I  could  almost  wish 
had  fallen  upon  some  one  of  the  far  more  eminent  men  and  experienced  states 
men  whose  distinguished  names  were  before  the  convention — I  shall,  by  your 
leave,  consider  more  fully  the  resolutions  of  the  convention,  denominated 
the  platform,  and  without  any  unnecessary  or  unreasonable  delay  respond  to 
you,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  writing,  not  doubting  that  the  platform  will  be  found 
satisfactory,  and  the  nomination  gratefully  accepted. 

And  now  I  will  not  longer  defer  the  pleasure  of  taking  you,  and  each  of 
you,  by  the  hand. 

Lincoln's    Last   Speech   to    His    Neighbors    When    Leaving  His  Home  at  Spring 
field,  Illinois,  on  February  11,  1861,  to  Go  to  the  White  House    at    Washington 

MY  FRIENDS:  No  one,  not  in  my  situation,  can  appreciate  my  feel 
ing  of  sadness  at  this  parting.  To  this  place,  and  the  kindness  of  these  people, 
I  owe  everything.  Here  I  have  lived  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  have  passed 
from  a  young  to  an  old  man.  Here  my  children  have  been  born,  and  one  is 
buried.  I  now  leave,  not  knowing  when  or  whether  ever  I  may  return,  with 
a  task  before  me  greater  than  that  which  rested  upon  Washington.  Without 
the  assistance  of  that  Divine  Being  who  ever  attended  him,  I  cannot  succeed. 
With  that  assistance,  I  cannot  fail.  Trusting  in  Him  who  can  go  with  me, 
and  remain  with  you,  and  be  everywhere  for  good,  let  us  confidently  hope 
that  all  will  yet  be  well.  To  His  care  commending  you,  as  I  hope  in  your  prayers 
you  will  commend  me,  I  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell. 

Lincoln's    Speech    at    Independence    Hall    in    Philadelphia    at  'a    Flag    Raising  on 
Washington's  Birthday,  February  22,   1861,  on  His  Way  to  the  National  Capital 

FELLOW-CITIZENS:  I  am  invited  and  called  before  you  to  partici 
pate  in  raising  above  Independence  Hall  the  flag  of  our  country,  with  an 
additional  star  upon  it!  I  propose  now  to  say  that  when  the  flag  was  originally 
raised  here,  it  had  but  thirteen  stars.  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact 
that,  under  the  blessing  of  God,  each  additional  star  has  given  additional  pros 
perity  and  happiness  to  this  country,  until  it  has  advanced  to  its  present  con 
dition;  and  its  welfare  in  the  future,  as  well  as  in  the  past,  is  in  your  hands. 
Cultivating  the  spirit  that  animated  our  fathers,  who  gave  renown  and  celeb 
rity  to  this  Hall,  cherishing  that  fraternal  feeling  which  has  so  long  character 
ized  us  as  a  nation,  excluding  passion,  ill  temper,  and  precipitate  action  on 
all  occasions,  I  think  we  may  promise  ourselves  that  not  only  the  new  star 
placed  upon  that  flag  shall  be  permitted  to  remain  there  to  our  permanent 
prosperity  for  years  to  come,  but  additional  ones  shall  from  time  to  time  be 
placed  there  until  we  shall  number,  as  it  was  anticipated  by  the  great  histo 
rian,  five  hundred  millions  of  happy  and  prosperous  people. 

With  these  few  remarks,  I  proceed  to  the  very  agreeable  duty  assigned 
to  me. 

132 


SPEECH    THAT    MOLDED    A    NATION'S    FUTURE 


Great  Epoch-Making  Address  Delivered  by  Abraham  Lincoln  as  He  Took  the 
Oath  of  Allegiance  on  His  First  Inauguration  as  President  of  the  United  States 
Before  a  Vast  Throng  at  the  National  Capitol  on  the  Fourth  of  March  in  1861 


^^ELLOW-CITIZE NS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES:  In  com- 
^•j  Wf  pliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  government  itself,  I  appear  be 
fore  you  to  address  you  briefly,  and  to  take  in  your  presence  the 

WM  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  be 
^^0^  taken  by  the  President  "before  he  enters  the  execution  of  his  office." 

I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  at  present  for  me  to  discuss  those  matters 
of  administration  about  which  there  is  no  special  anxiety  or  excitement. 

Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  that 
by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  administration  their  property  and  their  peace 
and  personal  security  are  to  be  endangered.  There  has  never  been  any  reason 
able  cause  for  such  apprehension.  Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence  to  the 
contrary  has  all  the  while  existed  and  been  open  to  their  inspection.  It  is 
found  in  nearly  all  the  published  speeches  of  him  who  now  addresses  you.  I 
do  but  quote  from  one  of  those  speeches  when  I  declare  that  "I  have  no  purpose, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  States 
where  it  exists.  I  believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no 
inclination  to  do  so."  Those  who  nominated  and  elected  me  did  so  with  full 
knowledge  that  I  had  made  this  and  many  similar  declarations,  and  had  never 
recanted  them.  And,  more  than  this,  they  placed  in  the  platform  for  my  accept 
ance,  and  as  a  law  to  themselves  and  to  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolution 
which  I  now  read : 

RESOLVED:  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  and 
especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own  domestic  institutions  accord 
ing  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the 
perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depend,  and  we  denounce  the  lawless 
invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what  pretext, 
as  among  the  greatest  of  crimes. 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments;  and,  in  doing  so,  I  only  press  upon  the 
public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  which  the  case  is  susceptible, 
that  the  property,  peace,  and  security  of  no  section  are  to  be  in  any  wise  endan 
gered  by  the  now  incoming  administration.  I  add,  too,  that  all  the  protection 
which,  consistently  with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  can  be  given,  will  be 
cheerfully  given  to  all  the  States  when  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause — 
as  cheerfully  to  one  section  as  to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of  fugitives  from  service 
or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as  plainly  written  in  the  Constitution  as 
any  other  of  its  provisions: 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into 
another,  shall  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or 
labor  may  be  due. 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended  by  those  who 
made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call  fugitive  slaves;  and  the  intention 
of  the  law  giver  is  the  law.  All  members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to 
the  whole  Constitution — to  this  provision  as  to  any  other.  To  the  proposition, 
then,  that  slaves  whose  cases  come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause  "shall  be 
delivered  up,"  their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would  make  the  effort 

133 


Self-Government  Depends  Upon  a  Unity  of  Purpose 

in  good  temper,  could  they  not  with  nearly  equal  unanimity  frame  and  pass 
a  law  by  means  of  which  to  keep  good  that  unanimous  oath  ? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause  should  be  enforced 
by  national  or  by  State  authority ;  but  surely  that  difference  is  not  a  very  mate 
rial  one.  If  the  slave  is  to  be  surrendered,  it  can  be  of  but  little  consequence  to 
him  or  to  others  by  which  authority  it  is  done.  And  should  any  one  in  any 
case  be  content  that  his  oath  shall  go  unkept  on  a  merely  unsubstantial  con 
troversy  as  to  how  it  shall  be  kept  ? 

Again,  in  any  law  upon  this  subject,  ought  not  all  the  safeguards  of  liberty 
known  in  civilized  and  humane  jurisprudence  to  be  introduced,  so  that  a  free 
man  be  not  in  any  case,  surrendered  as  a  slave?  And  might  it  not  be  well 
at  the  same  time  to  provide  by  law  for  the  enforcement  of  that  clause  in  the 
Constitution  which  guarantees  that  "the  citizen  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled 
to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States"? 

I  take  the  official  oath  to-day  with  no  mental  reservations,  and  with  no 
purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  laws  by  any  hypercritical  rules.  And 
while  I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify  particular  acts  of  Congress  as  proper 
to  be  enforced,  I  do  suggest  that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official 
and  private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all  those  acts  which  stand  un- 
repealed,  than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to  find  impunity  in  having  them 
held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a  President  under 
our  National  Constitution.  During  that  period,  fifteen  different  and  greatly 
distinguished  citizens  have,  in  succession,  administrated  the  executive  branch 
of  the  government.  They  have  conducted  it  through  many  perils,  and  gener 
ally  with  great  success.  Yet  with  all  this  scope  of  precedent,  I  now  enter  upon 
the  same  task  for  the  brief  constitutional  term  of  four  years  under  great  and 
peculiar  difficulty.  A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  heretofore  only  men 
aced,  is  now  formidably  attempted. 

I  hold  that,  in  contemplation  of  universal  law  and  of  the  Constitution,  the 
union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  implied,  if  not  expressed, 
in  the  fundamental  law  of  all  national  governments.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that 
no  government  proper  ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for  its  own  ter 
mination.  Continue  to  execute  all  the  express  provisions  of  our  National  Con 
stitution,  and  the  Union  will  endure  forever — it  being  impossible  to  destroy 
it  except  by  some  action  not  provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

Again,  if  the  United  States  be  not  a  government  proper,  but  an  association 
of  States  in  the  nature  of  contract  merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract,  be  peaceably 
unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties  who  made  it  ?  One  party  to  a  contract 
may  violate  it — break  it,  so  as  to  speak;  but  does  it  not  require  all  to  lawfully 
rescind  it  ? 

Descending  from  these  general  principles,  we  find  the  proposition  that 
in  legal  contemplation  the  Union  is  perpetual  confirmed  by  the  history  of 
the  Union  itself.  The  Union  is  much  older  than  the  Constitution.  It  was 
formed,  in  fact,  by  the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It  was  matured  and 
continued  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776.  It  was  further  matured, 
and  the  faith  of  all  the  then  thirteen  states  expressly  plighted  and  engaged 
that  it  should  be  perpetual  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  1778.  And, 

134 


There  Need  Be  No  Bloodshed  Nor  Violence  in  Justice 

finally,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and  establishing  the  Con 
stitution  was  "to  form  a  more  perfect  Union." 

But  if  the  destruction  of  the  Union  by  one  or  by  part  of  the  States  be  law 
fully  possible,  the  Union  is  less  perfect  than  before  the  Constitution,  having 
lost  the  vital  element  of  perpetuity. 

It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State  upon  its  own  mere  notion  can 
lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union;  and  resolves  and  ordinances  to  that  effect  are 
legally  void;  and  that  acts  of  violence,  within  any  State  or  States,  against  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  are  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary,  according 
to  circumstances. 

I  therefore  consider  that,  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  the 
Union  is  unbroken;  and  to  the  extent  of  my  ability  I  shall  take  care,  as  the 
Constitution  itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union  be  faith 
fully  executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this  I  deem  to  be  only  a  simple  duty  on 
my  part;  and  I  shall-perform  it  so  far  as  practicable,  unless  my  rightful  masters, 
the  American  people,  shall  withhold  the  requisite  means,  or  in  some  authori 
tative  manner  direct  the  contrary.  I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded  as  a 
menace,  but  only  as  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitu 
tionally  defend  and  maintain  itself. 

In  doing  this  there  need  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence;  and  there  shall  be 
none,  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  national  authority.  The  power  confided  to 
me  will  be  used  to  hold,  to  occupy,  and  possess  the  property  and  places  belonging 
to -the  government,  and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts;  but  beyond  what 
may  be  necessary  for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force 
against  or  among  the  people  anywhere.  Where  hostility  to  the  United  States, 
in  any  interior  locality,  shall  be  so  great  and  universal  as  to  prevent  competent 
resident  citizens  from  holding  the  Federal  offices,  there  will  be  no  attempt  to 
force  obnoxious  strangers  among  the  people  for  that  object.  While  the 
strict  legal  right  may  exist  in  the  government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of  these 
officers  the  attempt  to  do  so  would  be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly  impracticable, 
withal,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego  for  the  time  such  use  of  these  offices. 

The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  continue  to  be  furnished  in  all  parts  of 
the  Union.  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  everywhere  shall  have  that  sense 
of  perfect  security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm  thought  and  reflection. 
The  course  here  indicated  will  be  followed  unless  current  events  and  experience 
shall  show  a  modification  or  change  to  be  proper,  and  in  every  case  and  exigency 
my  best  discretion  will  be  exercised  according  to  circumstances  actually  existing, 
and  with  a  view  and  a  hope  of  peaceful  solution  of  the  national  troubles  and 
the  restoration  of  fraternal  sympathies  and  affections. 

That  there  are  persons  in  one  section  or  another  who  seek  to  destroy  the 
Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any  pretext  to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm 
nor  deny;  but  if  there  be  such,  I  need  address  no  word  to  them.  To  those, 
however,  who  really  love  the  Union  may  I  not  speak  ? 

Before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruction  of  our  national 
fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its  hopes,  would  it  not  be  wise 
to  ascertain  precisely  why  we  do  it  ?  Will  you  hazard  so  desperate  a  step  while 
there  is  any  possibility  that  any  portion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real 
existence?  Will  you,  while  the  certain  ills  you  fly  to  are  greater  than  all  the 
real  ones  you  fly  from Will  you  risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake  ? 

135 


Majority  Opinion  Is  the  Only  True  Sovereign 

All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union  if  all  constitutional  rights  can  be 
maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  any  right,  plainly  written  in  the  Consti 
tution,  has  been  denied?  I  think  not.  Happily  the  human  mind  is  so  consti 
tuted  that  no  party  can  reach  to  the  audacity  of  doing  this.  Think,  if  you  can, 
of  a  single  instance  in  which  a  plainly  written  provision  of  the  Constitution 
has  ever  been  denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force  of  numbers,  a  majority  should 
deprive  a  minority  of  any  clearly  written  constitutional  right,  it  might,  in  a 
moral  point  of  view,  justify  revolution — certainly  would  if  such  a  right  were 
a  vital  one.  But  such  is  not  our  case.  All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities  and 
of  individuals  are  so  plainly  assured  to  them  by  affirmations  and  negations, 
guarantees  and  prohibitions,  in  the  Constitution,  that  controversies  never 
arise  concerning  them.  But  no  organic  law  can  ever  be  framed  with  a  provision 
specifically  applicable  to  every  question  which  may  occur  in  practical  adminis 
tration.  No  foresight  can  anticipate,  nor  any  document  of  reasonable 
length  contain,  express  provisions  for  all  possible  questions.  Shall  fugitives 
from  labor  be  surrendered  by  national  or  by  state  authority  ?  The  Constitu 
tion  does  not  expressly  say.  May  Congress  prohibit  slavery  in  the  Territories? 
The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say.  Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in 
the  Territories?  The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 

From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitutional  controversies,  and 
we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and  minorities.  If  the  minority  will  not 
acquiesce,  the  majority  must,  or  the  government  must  cease.  There  is  no 
other  alternative;  for  continuing  the  government  is  acquiescence  on  one  side 
or  the  other. 

If  a  minority  in  such  case  will  secede  rather  than  acquiesce,  they  make  a 
precedent  which  in  turn  will  divide  and  ruin  them;  for  a  minority  of  their  own 
will  secede  from  them  whenever  a  majority  refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such  a 
minority.  For  instance,  why  may  not  any  portion  of  a  new  confederacy  a 
year  or  two  hence  arbitrarily  secede  again,  precisely  as  portions  of  the  present 
Union  now  claim  to  secede  from  it  ?  All  who  cherish  disunion  sentiments  are 
now  being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of  doing  this. 

Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests  among  the  States  to  compose 
a  new  Union,  as  to  produce  harmony  only,  and  prevent  renewed  secession? 

Plainly,  the  central  idea  of  secession  is  the  essence  of  anarchy.  A  majority 
held  in  restraint  by  constitutional  checks  and  limitations,  and  always  changing 
easily  with  deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinions  and  sentiments,  is  the  only 
true  sovereign  of  a  free  people.  Whoever  rejects  it  does,  of  necessity,  fly  to 
anarchy  or  to  despotism.  Unanimity  is  impossible;  the  rule  of  a  minority, 
as  a  permanent  arrangement,  is  wholly  inadmissible;  so  that  rejecting  the 
majority  principle,  anarchy  or  despotism  in  some  form  is  all  that  is  left. 

I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some,  that  constitutional  questions 
are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court ;  nor  do  I  deny  that  such  decisions  must 
be  binding,  in  any  case,  upon  the  parties  to  a  suit,  as  to  the  object  of  that  suit, 
while  they  are  also  entitled  to  very  high  respect  and  consideration  in  all  parallel 
cases  by  all  other  departments  of  the  government.  And  while  it  is  obviously 
possible  that  such  decision  may  be  erroneous  in  any  given  case,  still  the  evil 
effect  following  it,  being  limited  to  that  particular  case,  with  the  chance  that 
it  may  be  over-ruled  and  never  become  a  precedent  for  other  cases,  can  better 
be  borne  than  could  the  evils  of  a  different  practice.  At  the  same  time,  the 

136 


This  Country  with  Its  Institutions  Belongs  to  the  People 

candid  citizen  must  confess  that  if  the  policy  of  the  government,  upon  vital 
questions  affecting  the  whole  people,  is  to  be  irrevocably  fixed  by  decisions 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  instant  they  are  made,  in  ordinary  litigation  between 
parties  in  personal  actions,  the  people  will  have  ceased  to  be  their  own  rulers, 
having  to  that  extent  practically  resigned  their  government  into  the  hands 
of  that  eminent  tribunal.  Nor  is  there  in  this  view  any  assault  upon  the  court 
or  the  judges.  It  is  a  duty  from  which  they  may  not  shrink  to  decide  cases 
properly  brought  before  them,  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs  if  others  seek  to  turn 
their  decisions  to  political  purposes. 

One  section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is  right,  and  ought  to  be  extended, 
while  the  others  believe  it  is  wrong,  and  ought  not  to  be  extended.  This  is 
the  only  substantial  dispute.  The  fugitive-slave  clause  of  the  Constitution, 
and  the  law  of  the  suppression  of  the  foreign  slave-trade,  are  each  as  well  en 
forced,  perhaps  as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a  community  where  the  moral  sense 
of  the  people  imperfectly  supports  the  law  itself.  The  great  body  of  the  people 
abide  by  the  dry  legal  obligation  in  both  cases  and  a  few  break  over  in  each. 
This,  I  think,  cannot  be  perfectly  cured;  and  it  would  be  worse  in  both  cases, 
after  the  separation  of  the  sections  than  before.  The  foreign  slave-trade,  now 
imperfectly  suppressed,  would  be  ultimately  revived,  without  restriction,  in 
one  section,  while  fugitive  slaves,  now  only  partially  surrendered,  would  not 
be  surrendered  at  all  by  the  other. 

Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot  remove  our  respec 
tive  sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an  impassable  wall  between  them. 
A  husband  and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go  out  of  the  presence  and  beyond  the 
reach  of  each  other;  but  the  different  parts  of  our  country  cannot  do  this.  They 
cannot  but  remain  face  to  face,  and  intercourse,  either  amicable  or  hostile, 
must  continue  between  them.  Is  it  possible  then  to  make  that  intercourse 
more  advantageous  or  more  satisfactory  after  separation  than  before?  Can 
aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws  ?  Can  treaties  be  more 
faithfully  enforced  between  aliens  than  laws  can  among  friends?  Suppose 
you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight  always;  and  when,  after  much  loss  on  both  sides, 
and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old  questions  of  inter 
course  are  again  upon  you. 

This  country,  with  its  institutions,  belongs  to  the  people  who  inhabit  it. 
Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the  existing  government,  they  can  exercise 
their  constitutional  right  of  amending  it,  or  their  revolutionary  right  to  dis 
member  or  overthrow  it.  I  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  many  worthy 
and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the  National  Constitution  amended. 
While  I  make  no  recommendation  of  amendments,  I  fully  recognize  the  rightful 
authority  of  the  people  over  the  whole  subject,  to  be  exercised  in  either  of  the 
modes  prescribed  in  the  instrument  itself;  and  I  should,  under  existing  circum 
stances,  favor  rather  than  oppose,  a  fair  opportunity  being  afforded  the  people 
to  act  upon  it.  I  will  venture  to  add  that  to  me  the  convention  mode  seems 
preferable,  in  that  it  allows  amendments  to  originate  with  the  people  themselves, 
instead  of  only  permitting  them  to  take  or  reject  propositions  originated  by  others 
not  specially  chosen  for  the  purpose,  and  which  might  not  be  precisely  such  as 
they  would  wish  to  either  accept  or  refuse.  I  understand  a  proposed  amendment 
to  the  Constitution — which  amendment,  however,  I  have  not  seen — has  passed 
Congress,  to  the  effect  that  the  Federal  Government  shall  never  interfere  with 

137 


Patient  Confidence  in  Ultimate  Justice  of  the  People 

the  domestic  institutions  of  the  States,  including  that  of  persons  held  to  service. 
To  avoid  misconstruction  of  what  I  have  said,  I  depart  from  my  purpose  not  to 
speak  of  particular  amendments  so  far  as  to  say  that,  holding  such  a  provision 
to  now  be  implied  constitutional  law,  I  have  no  objection  to  its  being  made 
express  and  irrevocable. 

The  chief  magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the  people,  and  they 
have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  terms  for  the  separation  of  the  States. 
The  people  themselves  can  do  this  also  if  they  choose;  but  the  executive,  as 
such,  has  nothing  to  do  with  it.  His  duty  is  to  administer  the  present  govern 
ment,  as  it  came  to  his  hands,  and  to  transmit  it,  unimpaired  by  him,  to  his 
successor. 

Why  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ultimate  justice  of 
the  people  ?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope  in  the  world  ?  In  our  present 
differences  is  either  party  without  faith  of  being  in  the  right  ?  If  the  Almighty 
Ruler  of  Nations,  with  His  eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your  side  of  the  North, 
or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth  and  that  justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the 
judgment  of  this  great  tribunal  of  the  American  people. 

By  the  frame  of  the  government  under  which  we  live,  this  same  people 
have  wisely  given  their  public  servants  but  little  power  for  mischief;  and  have, 
with  equal  wisdom,  provided  for  the  return  of  that  little  to  their  own  hands 
at  very  short  intervals.  While  the  people  retain  their  virtue  and  vigilance, 
no  administration,  by  any  extreme  of  wickedness  or  folly,  can  very  seriously 
injure  the  government  in  the  short  space  of  four  years. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and  well  upon  this  whole  subject. 
Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking  time.  If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry 
any 'one  of  you  in  hot  haste  to  a  step  which  you  would  never  take  deliberately, 
that  object  will  be  frustrated  by  taking  time;  but  no  good  object  can  be  frus 
trated  by  it.  Such  of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied,  still  have  the  old  Consti 
tution  unimpaired,  and,  on  the  sensitive  point,  the  laws  of  your  own  framing 
under  it;  while  the  new  administration  will  have  no  immediate  power,  if  it 
would,  to  change  either.  If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who  are  dissatisfied 
hotel  the  right  side  in  dispute,  there  still  is  no  good  reason  for  precipitate  action. 
Intelligence,  patriotism,  Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him  who  has  never 
yet  forsaken  this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to  adjust  in  the  best  way 
all  our  present  difficulties. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the  momen 
tous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  government  will  not  assail  you.  You  can  have 
no'  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  regis 
tered  in  heaven  to  destroy  the  government,  while  I  shall  have  the  most  solemn 
one  to  "preserve,  protect  and  defend"  it. 

I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  Yv:e  must  not 
be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained  it,  it  must  not  break  our 
bond  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every 
battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over 
this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched, 
as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature. 


138 


GREATEST    SPEECH    IN    AMERICAN    HISTORY 


Speech  Delivered  by  Abraham  Lincoln  at  Gettysburg,  on  November  19,  1863,  Four 
Months  After  the  Greatest  Battle  on  American  Soil.  Greatest  Address  in  Magna 
nimity  of  Spirit,  Simplicity,  Brevity,  and  Historical  Import  in  American  Annals 


^^^^OURSCORE  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth  on  this 
0m  mf  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to 
the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal. 

mm  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether 

^^0^  that  nation,  or  any  nation,  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can 
long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battle-field  of  that  war.  We  have  come 
to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as  a  final  resting  place  for  those  who 
nere  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting 
and  proper  that  we  should  do  this. 

But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate  —  we  cannot  consecrate  —  we 
cannot  hallow  —  this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled 
here,  have  consecrated  it  far  -above  our  poor  power  to  add  or  detract.  The 
world  will  little  note  nor  long  remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never 
forget  what  they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather,  to  be  dedicated  here 
to  the  unfinished  work  which  they  who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly 
advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining 
before  us  —  that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that 
cause  for  which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devotion;  that  we  here 
highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain;  that  this  nation, 
under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom;  and  that  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth. 


Magnificent  Tribute  to  American  Character  in  Which  Lincoln  at  the  Close  of  the 
Greatest  War  of  Brother  Against  Brother  that  the  World  Had  Ever  Known 
Appealed  for  Love  and  Brotherhood  at  His  Second  Inauguration,  March  4,  1865 

^^BELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:     At  this  second  appearing  to  take 

^H  mf    the   oath  of  the  presidential   office,   there  is  less   occasion  for  an 

extended  address  than  there  was  at  the  first.     Then  a  statement, 

WM  somewhat  in  detail,  of  a  course  to  be  pursued,  seemed  fitting 
^^^  and  proper.  Now,  at  the  expiration  of  four  years,  during  which 
public  declarations  have  been  constantly  called  forth  on  every  point  and 
phase  of  the  great  contest  which  still  absorbs  the  attention  and  engrosses  the 
energies  of  the  nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  presented.  The  progress  of 
our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly  depends,  is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as 
to  myself;  and  it  is,  I  trust,  reasonably  satisfactory  and  encouraging  to  all. 
With  high  hope  for  the  future,  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is  ventured. 

On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years  ago,  all  thoughts  were 
anxiously  directed  to  an  impending  civil  war.  All  dreaded  it — all  sought 
to  avert  it.  While  the  inaugural  address  was  being  delivered  from  this  place, 
devoted  altogether  to  saving  the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents  were 
in  the  city  seeking  to  destroy  it  without  war — seeking  to  dissolve  the  Union, 
and  divide  effects,  by  negotiation.  Both  parties  deprecated  war;  but  one  of 
them  would  make  war  rather  than  let  the  nation  survive;  and  the  other  would 
rather  accept  war  than  let  it  perish.  And  the  war  came. 

139 


\ 


With  Malice  Toward  None— With  Charity  for  All 

One-eighth  of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves,  not  distributed 
generally  over  the  Union,  but  localized  in  the  southern  part  of  it.  These  slaves 
constituted  a  peculiar  and  powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was, 
somehow,  the  cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  perpetuate,  and  extend  this 
interest  was  the  object  for  which  the  insurgents  would  rend  the  Union,  even 
by  war;  while  the  government  claimed  no  right  to  do  more  than  restrict  the 
territorial  enlargement  of  it. 

Neither  party  expected  for  the  war  the  magnitude  or  the  duration  which 
it  has  already  attained.  Neither  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the  conflict 
might  cease  with,  or  even  before,  the  conflict  itself  should  cease.  Each  looked 

o 

for  an  easier  triumph,  and  a  result  less  fundamental  and  astounding.  Both 
read  the  same  Bible,  and  pray  to  the  same  God;  and  each  invokes  His  aid  against 
the  other.  It  may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just  God's 
assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of  other  men's  faces;  but 
let  us  judge  not,  that  we  be  not  judged.  The  prayers  of  both  could  not  be 
answered — that  of  neither  has  been  answered  fully. 

The  Almighty  has  His  own  purposes.  "Woe  unto  the  world  because  of 
offenses!  For  it  must  needs  be  that  offenses  come ;  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom 
the  offense  cometh."  If  we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is  one  of 
those  offenses  which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which, 
having  continued  through  His  appointed  time,  He  now  wills  to  remove,  and 
that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible  war,  as  the  woe  due  to  those 
by  whom  the  offense  came,  shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure  from  those 
divine  attributes  which  the  believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe  to  Him? 
Fondly  do  we  hope — fervently  do  we  pray — that  this  mighty  scourge  of  war 
may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth 
piled  by  the  bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall 
be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by 
another  drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still 
it  must  be  said,  "The  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether." 

"With  malice  toward  none;  with  charity  for  all;  with  firmness  in  the  right, 
as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in; 
to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds;  to  care  for  him  whom  shall  have  borne  the 
battle,  and  for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan — to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and 
cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves,  and  with  all  nations. 


"Work,  work,  work!" 

"Hold  on  with  a  bull-dog  grip." 

"It's  all  in  that  one  word,  Thorough." 

"Freedom  is  the  last,  best  hope  of  earth." 

"Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking  time." 

"Calling  a  sheep's  tail  a  leg  doesn't  make  it  so." 

"Wealth  is  a  superfluity  of  what  we  don't  need." 

"Many  have  got  into  a  habit  of  being  dissatisfied." 

"Disenthrall  ourselves,  then  we  shall  save  ourselves." 

"When  you  can't  remove  an  obstacle,  plough  around  it/" 

"Discourage  litigation.     There  will  still  be  business  enough." 

"God  bless  my  mother!     All  I  am  or  hope  to  be  I  owe  to  her." 

140 


LAST    PUBLIC    SPEECH    OF    ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 


Speech  Delivered  by  Lincoln  on  April  11,  1865,  Three  Days  Before  His  Assassination 
in  Which  He  Appeals  to  the  American  People  to  Join  Hands  in  Peace  and  Build  a  Re- 
United  Nation  to  Stand  Forever  as  a  Beacon  of  Liberty  to  the  People  of  the  Earth 


E  meet  this  evening  not  in  sorrow,  but  in  gladness  of  heart.  The 
evacuation  of  Petersburg  and  Richmond,  and  the  surrender  of 
the  principal  insurgent  army,  give  hope  of  a  righteous  and 
speedy  peace,  whose  joyous  expression  cannot  be  restrained. 
In  the  midst  of  this,  however,  He  from  whom  all  blessings 
flow  must  not  be  forgotten.  A  call  for  a  national  thanksgiving  is  being 
prepared,  and  will  be  duly  promulgated.  Nor  must  those  whose  harder  part 
give  us  the  cause  of  rejoicing  be  overlooked.  Their  honors  must  not  be  par 
celed  out  with  others.  I  myself  was  near  the  front,  and  had  the  high  pleasure 
of  transmitting  much  of  the  good  news  to  you;  but  no  part  of  the  honor  for 
plan  or  execution  is  mine.  To  General  Grant,  his  skillful  officers  and  brave 
men,  all  belongs.  The  gallant  navy  stood  ready,  but  was  not  in  reach  to  take 
active  part. 

By  these  recent  successes,  the  reinauguration  of  the  national  authority — 
reconstruction — which  has  had  a  large  share  of  thought  from  the  first  is 
pressed  much  more  closely  upon  our  attention.  It  is  fraught  with  great  diffi 
culty.  Unlike  a  case  of  war  between  independent  nations,  there  is  no  author 
ized  organ  for  us  to  treat  with — no  one  man  has  authority  to  give  up  the 
rebellion  for  any  other  man.  We  simply  must  begin  with  and  mold  from  dis 
organized  and  discordant  elements.  Nor  is  it  a  small  additional  embarrassment 
that  we,  the  loyal  people,  differ  among  ourselves  as  to  the  mode,  manner,  and 
measure  of  reconstruction.  As  a  general  rule,  I  abstain  from  reading  the  reports 
of  attacks  upon  myself,  wishing  not  to  be  provoked  by  that  to  which  I  cannot 
properly  offer  an  answer.  In  spite  of  this  precaution,  however,  it  comes  to 
my  knowledge  that  I  am  much  censured  for  some  supposed  agency  in  setting 
up  and  seeking  to  sustain  the  new  State  government  of  Louisiana. 

In  this  I  have  done  just  so  much  and  no  more  than  the  public  knows. 
In  the  annual  message  of  December,  1863,  and  in  the  accompanying  proclama 
tion,  I  presented  a  plan  of  reconstruction,  as  the  phrase  goes,  which  I  promised, 
if  adopted  by  any  State,  should  be  acceptable  to  and  sustained  by  the  execu 
tive  government  of  the  nation.  I  distinctly  stated  that  this  was  not  the 
only  plan  which  might  possibly  be  acceptable,  and  I  also  distinctly 
protested  that  the  executive  claimed  no  right  to  say  when  or  whether 
members  should  be  admitted  to  seats  in  Congress  from  such  States.  This 
plan  was  in  advance  submitted  to  the  then  Cabinet,  and  distinctly  approved 
by  every  member  of  it.  One  of  them  suggested  that  I  should  then  and  in  that 
connection  apply  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  to  the  theretofore  excepted 
parts  of  Virginia  and  Louisiana ;  that  I  should  drop  the  suggestion  about  appren 
ticeship  for  freed  people,  and  that  I  should  omit  the  protest  against  my  own 
power  in  regard  to  the  admission  of  members  to  Congress.  But  even  he  approved 
every  part  and  parcel  of  the  plan  which  has  since  been  employed  or  touched 
by  the  action  of  Louisiana. 

The  new  constitution  of  Louisiana,  declaring  emancipation  for  the  whole 
State,  practically  applies  the  proclamation  to  the  part  previously  excepted. 
It  does  not  adopt  apprenticeship  for  freed  people,  and  it  is  silent,  as  it  could 

141 


We  Must  Mold  from  the  Discordant  Elements  of  Society 

not  well  be  otherwise,  about  the  admission  of  members  to  Congress.  So  that, 
as  it  applies  to  Louisiana,  every  member  of  the  Cabinet  fully  approved  the 
plan.  The  message  went  to  Congress,  and  I  received  many  commendations 
of  the  plan,  written  and  verbal,  and  not  a  single  objection  to  it  from  any  pro 
fessed  emancipationist  came  to  my  knowledge  until  after  the  news  reached 
Washington  that  the  people  of  Louisiana  had  begun  to  move  in  accordance 
with  it.  From  about  July,  1862,  I  had  corresponded  with  different  persons 
supposed  to  be  interested  in  seeking  a  reconstruction  of  a  State  government 
for  Louisiana.  When  the  message  of  1863,  with  the  plan  before  mentioned, 
reached  New  Orleans,  General  Banks  wrote  me  that  he  was  confident  that 
the  people,  with  his  military  co-operation,  would  reconstruct  substantially 
on  that  plan.  I  wrote  to  him  and  some  of  them  to  try  it.  They  tried  it,  and 
the  result  is  known.  Such  has  been  my  only  agency  in  getting  up  the 
Louisiana  government. 

As  to  sustaining  it,  my  promise  is  out,  as  before  stated.  But  as  bad  prom 
ises  are  better  broken  than  kept,  I  shall  treat  this  as  a  bad  promise,  and  break 
it  whenever  I  shall  be  convinced  that  keeping  it  is  adverse  to  the  public  interest ; 
but  I  have  not  yet  been  so  convinced.  I  have  been  shown  a  letter  on  this 
subject,  supposed  to  be  an  able  one,  in  which  the  writer  expresses  regret  that 
my  mind  has  not  seemed  to  be  definitely  fixed  on  the  question  whether  the 
seceded  States,  so  called,  are  in  the  Union  or  out  of  it.  It  would  perhaps  add 
astonishment  to  his  regret  were  he  to  learn  that  since  I  have  found  professed 
Union  men  endeavoring  to  make  that  question,  I  have  purposely  forborne  any 
public  expression  upon  it.  As  appears  to  me,  that  question  has  not  been,  nor 
yet  is,  a  practically  material  one,  and  that  any  discussion  of  it,  while  it  thus 
remains  practically  immaterial,  could  have  no  effect  other  than  the  mischievous 
one  of  dividing  our  friends.  As  yet,  whatever  it  may  hereafter  become,  that 
question  is  bad  as  the  basis  of  a  controversy  and  good  for  nothing  at  all — a 
merely  pernicious  abstraction. 

We  all  agree  that  the  seceded  States,  so  called,  are  out  of  their  proper, 
practical  relation  with  the  Union,  and  that  the  sole  object  of  the  government, 
civil  and  military,  in  regard  to  those  States,  is  to  again  get  them  into  that  proper 
practical  relation.  I  believe  that  it  is  not  only  possible,  but  in  fact  easier, 
to  do  this  without  deciding  or  even  considering  whether  these  States  have 
ever  been  out  of  the  Union,  than  with  it.  Finding  themselves  safely  at  home, 
it  would  be  utterly  immaterial  whether  they  had  ever  been  abroad.  Let  us 
all  join  in  doing  the  acts  necessary  to  restoring  the  proper  practical  relations 
between  these  States  and  the  Union,  and  each  forever  after  innocently  indulge 
his  own  opinion  whether  in  doing  the  acts  he  brought  the  States  from  without 
into  the  Union,  or  only  gave  them  proper  assistance,  they  never  having  been 
out  of  it.  The  amount  of  constituency,  so  to  speak,  on  which  the  new  Louisiana 
government  rests,  would  be  more  satisfactory  to  all  if  it  contained  50,000 
or  30,000,  or  even  20,000,  instead  of  only  about  12,000,  as  it  does.  It  is  also 
unsatisfactory  to  some  that  the  elective  franchise  is  not  given  to  the  colored 
man.  I  would  myself  prefer  that  it  were  now  conferred  on  the  very  intelli 
gent,  and  on  those  who  serve  our  cause  as  soldiers. 

Still,  the  question  is  not  whether  the  Louisiana  government,  as  it  stands, 
is  quite  all  that  is  desirable.  The  question  is,  will  it  be  wiser  to  take  it  as  it 
is  and  help  to  improve  it,  or  to  reject  and  disperse  it  ?  Can  Louisiana  be  brought 

142 


If  We  Reject  and  Scorn  We  Do  Our  Utmost  to  Disorganize 

into  proper  practical  relation  with  the  Union  sooner  by  sustaining  or  by  dis 
carding  her  new  State  government  ?  Some  twelve  thousand  voters  in  the 
heretofore  slave  State  of  Louisiana  have  sworn  allegiance  to  the  Union,  assumed 
to  be  the  rightful  political  power  of  the  State,  held  elections,  organized  a  State 
government,  adopted  a  free-State  constitution,  giving  the  benefit  of  public 
schools  equally  to  black  and  white,  and  empowering  the  legislature  to  confer 
the  elective  franchise  upon  the  colored  man.  Their  legislature  has  already 
voted  to  ratify  the  constitutional  amendment  recently  passed  by  Congress, 
abolishing  slavery  throughout  the  nation.  These  12,000  persons  are  thus  fully 
committed  to  the  Union  and  to  perpetual  freedom  in  the  State — committed 
to  the  very  things,  and  nearly  all  the  things,  the  nation  wants — and  they  ask 
the  nation's  recognition  and  its  assistance  to  make  good  their  committal. 

Now,  if  we  reject  and  spurn  them,  we  do  our  utmost  to  disorganize  and 
disperse  them.  We,  in  effect,  say  to  the  white  man:  You  are  worthless  or 
worse;  we  will  neither  help  you,  nor  be  helped  by  you.  To  the  blacks  we  say: 
This  cup  of  liberty  which  these,  your  old  masters,  hold  to  your  lips  we  will 
dash  from  you,  and  leave  you  to  the  chances  of  gathering  the  spilled  and  scat 
tered  contents  in  some  vague  and  undefined  when,  where,  and  how.  If  this 
course,  discouraging  and  paralyzing  both  white  and  black,  has  any  tendency 
to  bring  Louisiana  into  proper  practical  relations  with  the  Union,  I  have  so 
far  been  unable  to  perceive  it.  If,  on  the  contrary,  we  recognize  and  sustain 
the  new  government  of  Louisiana,  the  converse  of  all  this  is  made  true.  We 
encourage  the  hearts  and  nerve  the  arms  of  the  12,000  to  adhere  to  their  work, 
and  argue  for  it,  and  proselyte  for  it,  and  fight  for  it,  and  feed  it,  and  grow 
it,  and  ripen  it  to  a  complete  success.  The  colored  man,  too,  in  seeing  all  united 
for  him,  is  inspired  with  vigilance,  and  energy,  and  daring,  to  the  same  end. 
Grant  that  he  desires  the  elective  franchise,  will  he  not  attain  it  sooner  by 
saving  the  already  advanced  steps  toward  it  than  by  running  backward  over 
them?  Concede  that  the  new  government  of  Louisiana  is  only  what  it  should 
be,  as  the  egg  is  to  the  fowl,  we  shall  sooner  have  the  fowl  by  hatching  the  egg 
than  by  smashing  it. 

Again,  if  we  reject  Louisiana,  we  also  reject  one  vote  in  favor  of  the  pro 
posed  amendment  to  the  national  Constitution.  To  meet  this  proposition, 
it  has  been  argued  that  no  more  than  three-fourths  of  those  States  which  have 
not  attempted  secession  are  necessary  to  validly  ratify  the  amendment.  I  do 
not  commit  myself  against  this  further  than  to  say  that  such  a  ratification 
would  be  questionable,  and  sure  to  be  persistently  questioned,  while  a  rati 
fication  by  three-fourths  of  all  the  States  would  be  unquestioned  and  unques 
tionable.  I  repeat  the  question:  Can  Louisiana  be  brought  into  proper 
practical  relation  with  the  Union  sooner  by  sustaining  or  by  discarding  her 
new  State  government?  What  has  been  said  of  Louisiana  will  apply  generally 
to  other  States.  And  yet  so  great  peculiarities  pertain  to  each  State,  and  such 
important  and  sudden  changes  occur  in  the  same  State,  and  withal  so  new 
and  unprecedented  is  the  whole  case  that  no  exclusive  and  inflexible  plan  can 
safely  be  prescribed  as  to  details  and  collaterals.  Such  an  exclusive  and  inflexible 
plan  would  surely  become  a  new  entanglement.  Important  principles  may 
and  must  be  inflexible.  In  the  present  situation,  as  the  phrase  goes,  it  may  be 
my  duty  to  make  some  new  announcement  to  the  people  of  the  South.  I  am 
considering,  and  shall  not  fail  to  act  when  satisfied  that  action  will  be  proper. 

143 


Wisdom  and  Philosophy  of  Abraham  Lincoln 

"I  desire  to  see  the  time  when  education,  by  its  means,  morality,  sobriety, 
enterprise,  and  integrity,  shall  become  much  more  general  than  at  present, 
and  should  be  gratified  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  contribute  something  to  the 
advancement  of  any  measure  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  accelerate  the 
happy  period." 

"And  when  the  victory  shall  be  complete, — when  there  shall  be  neither 
a  slave  nor  a  drunkard  on  earth, — how  proud  the  title  of  that  land,  which  may 
truly  claim  to  be  the  birthplace  and  the  cradle  of  both  those  resolutions  that 
shall  have  ended  in  that  victory!  How  nobly  distinguished  that  people,  who 
shall  have  planted,  and  nurtured  to  maturity,  both  the  political  and  moral 
freedom  of  their  species!" 

"Capital  has  its  rights,  which  are  as  worthy  of  protection  as  any  rights. 
nor  is  it  denied  that  there  is,  and  probably  always  will  be,  a  relation  between 
labor  and  capital,  producing  mutual  benefits  ...  No  men  living  are  more 
worthy  to  be  trusted  than  those  who  toil  up  from  poverty — none  less  inclined 
to  take  or  touch  aught  which  they  have  not  honestly  earned." 

"In  regard  to  the  Great  Book,  I  have  only  to  say  that  it  is  the  best  gift 
which  God  has  given  man.  All  the  good  from  the  Saviour  of  the  world  is 
communicated  to  us  through  this  Book.  But  for  this  Book  we  could  not  know 
right  from  wrong.  All  those  things  to  man  are  contained  in  it." 

"Give  the  Boys  a  chance."  "We  cannot  escape  history."  "I  can  bear 
censure,  but  not  insult!"  "Don't  swap  horses  in  crossing  a  stream."  "Let 
us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might."  "Public  opinion  in  this  country  is 
everything."  "I  know  I  am  right  because  I  know  Liberty  is  right."  "Is  a 
man  to  blame  for  having  a  pair  of  cowardly  legs?" 

"That  some  are  rich  shows  that  others  may  become  rich." 
"Come  what  will,  I  will  keep  my  faith  with  friend  and  foe." 
"Faith  in  God  is  indispensable  to  successful  statesmanship." 
"There  is  no  grievance  that  is  a  fit  object  of  redress  by  mob  law." 
"My  boy,  never  try  to  be  President!     If  you  do,  you  never  will  be." 
"The  dogmas  of  the  quiet  past  are  inadequate  to  the  stormy  present." 

"The  Lord  must  love  the  common  people — that's  why  he  made  so  many 
of  them." 

"Keep  that  (temperance)  pledge  and  it  will  be  the  best  act  of  your  life." 

"No  man  is  good  enough  to  govern  another  man  without  that  other  man's 
consent." 

"Familiarize  yourself  with  the  chains  of  bondage  and  you  prepare  your 
own  limbs  to  wear  them." 

"A  man  has  no  time  to  spend  in  quarrels.  If  any  man  ceases  to  attack 
me  I  never  remember  the  past  against  him." 

"The  importance  for  man  and  beast  of  the  prescribed  weekly  rest,  the 
sacred  rights  of  Christian  soldiers  and  sailors,  a  becoming  deference  to  the 
best  sentiments  of  a  Christian  people,  and  a  due  regard  for  the  divine  will, 
demand  that  Sunday  labor  be  reduced  to  the  measure  of  strict  necessity." 

144 


The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln 

PART  V 

A  Chronology  of  the  Historic  Events  in  the 

Growth  of  the  American  Nation 
from  the  Birth  to  the  Death  of  Lincoln 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln— 1809-1817 


1809 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln  born  at 
Hodgensville,  Hardin  County,  Kentucky ; 
parents,  Thomas  and  Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln. 

February   28 ;   Embargo   Act   repealed. 

March    i  ;    Territory   of   Illinois  organized. 

March  4 ;  James  Madison  inaugurated  fourth 
President  of  the  United  States,  succeed 
ing  Thomas  Jefferson. 

1810 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  first  birth 
day  ;  still  living  in  log  cabin  where  he  was 
born. 

March  23  ;  Napoleon,  in  his  conquest  of  the 
world,  decrees  that  all  American  vessels 
entering  French  ports  shall  be  seized  and 
condemned. 

June  i  ;  Total  population  of  the  United  States 
7,239,822,  of  which  1,191,363  are  colored 
slaves. 

1811 — January  9;  Entire  militia  of  New  Orleans 
is  called  out  to  suppress  negro  insurrection. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  second 
birthday ;  still  living  in  log  cabin  where 
he  was  born. 

October  1 1  ;  First  steam  ferry-boat  in  the 
world  across  the  Hudson  river  at  New 
York. 

October  29 ;  First  steamboat  on  western 
waters  leaves  Pittsburg  for  New  Orleans. 

November  7 ;  Battle  of  Tippecanoe,  in  war 
fare  with  Indians. 

November  9 ;  Henry  Clay,  age  34,  Speaker 
of  House  of  Representatives,  having  served 
two  terms  in  United  States  Senate. 

1812 — January  9;  Society  is  formed  at  Trenton  for 
organizing  a  colony  of  colored  people. 

February  12  ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  third  birth 
day  ;  still  living  at  cabin  where  he  was 
born. 

March  9  ;  President  Madison  reveals  to  Con 
gress  a  plot  to  destroy  the  Union. 

April  30 ;  Louisiana  admitted  into  the  Union. 

June  4 ;  Territory  of  Missouri  established. 

June  18;  Congress  declared  war  against 
England ;  the  naval  victories  of  the  Ameri 
cans  over  the  greatest  of  naval  powers 
aroused  intense  excitement. 

June  18 ;  New  England  threatens  secession 
from  the  Union  (the  first  in  United 
States  history)  while  repudiating  war 
with  England. 

June  23 ;  First  naval  encounter  in  War  of 
1812. 

July  12;  First  land  engagements.  Hull 
invades  Canada. 

August    16;    Surrender  of  Detroit  to    British. 

August  19 ;  Constitution  destroys  British 
ship-of-war,  Guerriere,  off  Banks  of  New 
foundland. 

October  13 ;  Americans  attack  Queenstown 
Heights,  in  Canada,  and  are  severely  re 
pulsed. 

October  13  ;  Wasp  victorious  over  the  British 
ship,  Frolic,  off  the  coast  of  North  Car 
olina. 

November  i  ;  Daniel  Webster  enters  political 
life ;  age  30. 

1813 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fourth 
birthday ;  moved  during  this  year  from 
cabin  in  which  he  was  born  to  Knob  Creek, 
fifteen  miles  distant,  where  he  met  the 
first  soldier  he  had  ever  seen,  during  War 
of  1812  which  was  now  raging. 


1813 — March  4;  Inauguration  of  James  Madison 
into  his  second  term  as  President  of  the 
United  States. 

March  20 ;  Great  Britain  proclaims  Atlantic 
coast  of  America  under  blockade. 

April  23  ;  Birth  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas  at 
Brendon,  in  Vermont,  who  was  to  be 
come  Lincoln's  greatest  political  rival. 

May  10;  First  ferry  connects  Brooklyn  with 
New  York. 

June  i  ;  Chesapeake  captured  by  the  British 
ship,  Shannon.  Captain  Lawrence  fatally 
wounded. 

1814 — January  14;  Daniel  Webster's  first  speech  in 
the  House  on  the  Enlistment  Bill ;  age  32. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fifth  birth 
day  ;  he  begins  his  first  schooling. 

August  24 ;  City  of  Washington  captured  by 
the  British ;  President  and  Cabinet  flee ; 
National  Capitol  burned. 

September  13;  National  hymn,  "The  Star 
Spangled  Banner,"  composed  during  bom 
bardment  of  Fort  McHenry  near  Balti 
more. 

December  15  ;  Hartford  Convention  with  ob 
ject  of  secession.  Peace  between  England 
and  United  States  ended  session.  Feder 
alist  party  ruined. 

December  19  ;  Birth  of  Edwin  B.  Stanton  at 
Steubenville,  Ohio,  who  was  to  become 
Lincoln's  great  secretary  of  war. 

December  24 ;  Peace  between  England  and 
America  negotiated  through  Treaty  of 
Ghent. 

1815 — January  8;  American  victory  at  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  under  Andrew  Jackson. 

June  30 ;  Americans  dictate  terms  of  peace 
at  Algiers. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  sixth  birth 
day  ;  during  this  year  he  barely  escaped 
drowning  in  Knob  Creek. 

March  3  ;  United  States  declares  war  against 
Algiers. 

June  18;  Hostilities  cease  between  the  United 
States  and  England  ;  estimated  cost  of  war, 
$85,500,000. 

August  i  ;  First  Peace  Society  in  the  world 
is  founded. 

1816 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  seventh 
birthday ;  removed  this  year  with  his 
parents  to  Gentryville,  Spencer  County, 
Indiana,  crossing  the  Ohio  river  from 
Kentucky  on  a  raft. 

December  1 1  ;  Indiana  admitted  into  the 
Union. 

1817 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  eighth  birth 
day  ;  living  in  open  camp  in  Indiana  wil 
derness  ;  wielding  the  ax  in  the  primeval 
forest. 

March  4 ;  James  Monroe  of  Virginia,  inau 
gurated  fifth  President  of  the  United  States. 

July  4 ;  Construction  of  the  Erie  Canal  be 
gins. 

August  2 ;  First  steamship  arrives  at  St. 
Louis. 

November  20 ;  Outbreak  of  Seminole  Indian 
War. 

December  10;  Mississippi  admitted  into  the 
Union. 

December  28 ;  American  Colonization  So 
ciety  organized  at  Washington  to  return 
negroes  to  Africa. 


146 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln— 1818-1827 


1818 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  ninth  birth 
day  ;  living  in  rough  cabin  of  unhewn  tim 
bers  in  Indiana,  which  he  helped  his  father 
to  build. 

April  4 ;  Act  establishing  flag  of  the  United 
States,  with  thirteen  horizontal  stripes,  al 
ternating  red  and  white,  and  a  white  star 
in  a  blue  field  for  each  state. 

August  23 ;  First  steamboat  trip  on  Lake 
Erie. 

October  5  ;  Death  of  Nancy  Hanks,  Lincoln's 
mother,  at  Pigeon  Creek,  Indiana;  age  35. 

December  3  ;   Illinois  admitted  to   the  Union. 

December  18;  Great  agitation  of  Slavery 
Question  by  petition  of  Missouri  for  ad 
mission  to  Union  as  a  slave  state. 

1819 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  tenth  birth 
day  ;  living  with  his  father  and  sister 
Sarah  (Nancy)  in  Indiana  wilderness. 

February  17;  Bill  presented  to  Congress  for 
the  gradual  emancipation  of  the  slaves  in 
Missouri ;  fails  to  pass  Senate. 

February  22 ;  Treaty  with  Spain  in  which 
the  United  States  gains  possession  of 
Florida  and  surrenders  all  claim  to  Texas. 

May  26  ;  First  steamship  crosses  the  Atlantic, 
"  The  Savannah." 

October  24 ;  Erie  Canal  is  open  from  Utica 
to  Rome. 

December  i  ;  First  national  financial  crisis 
occurs ;  many  banks  barely  escape  in 
solvency ;  national  debt  $95,529,648. 

December  2 ;  Second  marriage  of  Abraham 
Lincoln's  father,  Thomas  Lincoln,  to 
Sarah  Rush  Johnston,  at  Elizabethtown, 
Kentucky. 

December  14;  Alabama  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1820 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  eleventh 
birthday ;  walking  nine  miles  a  day  to  and 
from  the  frontier  school. 

March  2 ;  Missouri  Compromise  temporarily 
quells  anti-slavery  agitation. 

March  3  ;   Maine  admitted  into  the  Union. 

May  5  ;  Congress  recognizes  slave  trade  to 
be  piracy  and  prohibits  citizens  from  en 
gaging  in  it  under  penalty  of  death  ;  total 
slaves  2,009,031.  Webster  and  Calhoun  de 
nounce  agitators  against  the  slave  system. 

June  i  ;  First  steamship  line  between  New 
York  and  New  Orleans. 

1821 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twelfth 
birthday ;  he  was  now  under  the  influence 
of  his  stepmother,  who  had  awakened  in 
him  an  eagerness  for  learning. 

March  4 ;  James  Monroe  of  Virginia,  inau 
gurated  into  his  second  term  as  President 
of  the  United  States. 

August  i  ;  Liberia  is  secured  for  the  negro 
colonization  by  the  American  Coloniza 
tion  Society. 

August  10 ;  Missouri  admitted  into  the 
Union  amid  a  tempest  of  political  excite 
ment  ;  anti-slavery  agitation  becomes  vio 
lent. 

August  10;  City  Council  of  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  prohibits  opening  of  night  or 
Sunday  school  for  the  instruction  of  negro 
slaves. 

1822 — February  i  ;  First  cotton  mill  is  erected  in 
Massachusetts. 


1822 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirteenth 
birthday ;  he  was  now  working  on  the  farm 
and  acting  as  chore  boy  for  the  neighbors, 
devoting  his  leisure  to  ciphering  on  a 
wooden  shovel  and  on  the  logs  of  his 
cabin. 

April  27  ;  Birth  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  at  Point 
Pleasant,  Ohio,  who  was  to  bring  victory 
to  Lincoln  as  commander  of  the  armies 
in  the  Civil  War. 

1823 — February  i  ;  Stephen  F.  Austin  obtains  from 
Mexico  a  grant  of  land  in  Texas  for  col 
onization. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fourteenth 
birthday ;  attending  Andrew  Crawford's 
neighborhood  school,  where  he  wrote  his 
first  essay  against  cruelty  to  animals. 

June  i  ;  First  steam  power  printing  press  in 
New  York. 

December  2 ;  Declaration  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine :  a  protest  against  interference 
of  any  European  power  on  the  American 
continent. 

1824 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fifteenth 
birthday ;  it  was  about  this  time  that  he 
began  to  read  eagerly,  and  is  said  to  have 
borrowed  all  the  books  within  fifty  miles 
of  his  home. 

May  22 ;  Protective  tariff  bill  adopted ;  op 
posed  by  the  South  and  New  England. 

August  10 ;  Robert  Owen  of  Scotland  estab 
lishes  a  Communistic  settlement  in  Indiana. 

August  15  ;  Lafayette  revisits  America. 

1825 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  sixteenth 
birthday ;  employed  in  Indiana  as  ferry 
man  and  butcher  at  six  dollars  per  month. 

Mcy;ch  4 ;  John  Quincy  Adams  inaugurated 
"sixth  President  of  the  United  States. 

October  i  ;  Working  people  begin  to  dis 
cuss  question  of  shorter  hours  and  greater 
safety. 

October  26 — Erie  Canal  completed,  363  miles 
long;  cost  $7,500,000;  connects  Great 
Lakes  with  seaboard  at  New  York. 

1826 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  seventeenth 
birthday ;  he  now  began  to  read  his  first 
law  book  and  wrote  a  paper  on  the  Ameri 
can  Government. 

July  4 ;  Fiftieth  anniversary  of  American 
Independence. 

July  4 ;  Death  of  John  Adams,  second  pres 
ident,  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  third. 

October  i  ;  Morgan  Anti-Mason  excitement  in 
politics. 

October  7 ;  First  railroad  in  the  United 
States,  three  miles  long,  at  Quincy,  Massa 
chusetts. 

October  10;  Kerosene  first  used  for  illumi 
nating  purposes. 

December  3  ;  Birth  of  George  B.  McClellan 
at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  who  was  to 
become  Lincoln's  first  general  in  the  Civil 
War. 

1827 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  eighteenth 
birthday ;  during  this  year  he  earned  his 
first  dollar. 

July  30;  Protectionists  hold  a  convention  and 
demand  higher  tariff. 

July  — ;  Death  of  Lincoln's  sister,  Sarah 
(Nancy),  age  twenty. 


147 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln — 1828-1836 


1828 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  nineteenth 
birthday ;  he  was  now  a  giant  youth  of 
six  feet,  four  inches ;  went  on  his  first 
trip  as  a  flat-boatsman  down  the  Missis 
sippi  to  New  Orleans,  at  eight  dollars  a 
month. 

May  15;  First  American  dictionary  of  Eng 
lish  language,  by  Noah  Webster. 

May  19;  High  protective  tariff  enacted,  caus 
ing  serious  distress  between  the  North 
and  the  South. 

December  i  ;  Political  party  known  as 
Workingman's  Association  appears  in 
principal  cities. 

December  — ;  First  steamboat  in  Boston 
Harbor. 

1829 — February  12 ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twentieth 
birthday  ;  working  as  wood  chopper,  known 
as  a  backwoods  orator,  arguing  on  slavery 
and  political  subjects. 

March  4 ;  Andrew  Jackson  inaugurated 
seventh  President  of  the  United  States ; 
beginning  of  the  Spoils  System  in  Ameri 
can  politics. 

June  30 ;  Robert  E.  Lee  of  Virginia, 
twenty-two  years  old ;  graduates  at  West 
Point. 

August  8 ;  First  locomotive  in  the  United 
States. 

September  21  ;  First  public  school  in  Balti 
more. 

September  — ;  First  asylum  in  the  United 
States  for  the  blind,  at  Boston. 

-  William  Lloyd  Garrison  advo 
cates  immediate  emancipation  of  the 
slaves. 

-  First  emancipation  of  slaves  on 
American  Continent  when  Mexico  issued 
a  proclamation  of  emancipation. 

1830 — February   12  ;   Abraham   Lincoln's  twenty-first 

birthday ;   preparing  to   leave   Indiana  with 

family    for    Illinois. 
April    6 ;    First    settlement    of    Mormons,    in 

Manchester,    New    York. 
August    12;    The    first    American    railroad    is 

completed ;    it    connects   Albany    and    Sche- 

nectady. 
October  5  ;  American  ports  are  re-opened  to 

British   commerce. 

1831 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty- 
second  birthday ;  helps  his  father  build 
their  new  home  in  Illinois ;  works  as  a 
flat-boatsman,  later  acting  as  clerk  in  store 
at  New  Salem,  Illinois. 

April  21  ;  Beginning  of  the  Black  Hawk  War 
in  Indiana. 

April  26 ;  Imprisonment  for  debt  is  abolished 
in  New  York. 

August  21  ;  Negro  insurrection  in  Virginia, 
fifty  whites  killed. 

1832 — January  6 ;  Founding  of  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  by  William  Lloyd  Garri 
son. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty- 
third  birthday ;  volunteers  in  the  Black 
Hawk  War,  and  is  chosen  captain  of  his 
company ;  entered  partnership  in  a  store- 
keeping  project,  which  soon  failed  ;  reads 
a  copy  of  Blackstone's  Commentaries  on 
the  Common  Law. 

May  21  ;  First  Democratic  (so-called)  Na 
tional  Convention  meets  in  Baltimore. 


1832 — July   13;   Henry  R.    Schoolcraft  discovers  the 

source    of   the   Mississippi    River. 
August    — ;    Abraham    Lincoln    defeated    for 

state   Legislature   in   Illinois. 
November     i  ;     First    street    railroad    in    the 

United    States   is   opened   between   the   City 

Hall  and  i4th  Street,  New  York. 
December      1 1  ;       Nullification      Proclamation 

issued   by    President   Jackson. 
December    31  ;    Immigrants    and    other    aliens 

rush  to  America — 60,482  in  fifteen  months. 
December   — ;    "  My   Country,    'tis    of    Thee  " 

is  written   by    Samuel   Francis   Smith,    New 

Center,    Massachusetts. 
December  — ;   First  house  in  Iowa  is  erected 

near    Davenport. 

1833 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty- 
fourth  birthday ;  burdened  with  debt, 
studies  and  practices  surveying. 

March  2  ;  Bloody  Bill  passed  by  Congress  to 
enforce  tariff  of  1832  which  was  declared 
null  and  void  by  South  Carolina. 

March  4 ;  Andrew  Jackson  inaugurated  into 
his  second  term  as  President  of  the  United 
States. 

March  — ;  Texas  begins  a  war  against  Mex 
ico  for  independence. 

March  — ;  Anti-slavery  societies  formed  in 
several  states. 

May  7 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  appointed  post 
master  at  New  Salem,  Illinois. 

1834 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty-fifth 
birthday  ;  elected  to  the  Legislature ;  meets 
Stephen  A.  Douglas ;  appointed  second 
place  on  the  Committee  of  Public  Accounts 
and  Expenditures  by  Speaker  Hon.  James 
Semple. 

February   17;   Treaty  with   Spain  signed. 

June  21  ;  Invention  of  the  reaping  machine 
patented  by  Cyrus  H.  McCormick,  of  Vir 
ginia,  which  became  the  foundation  of 
the  great  agricultural  wealth  of  America. 

June  30 ;  Indian  Territory  is  set  apart  ex 
clusively  for  Indians. 

November  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  elected  to 
the  state  Legislature  of  Illinois. 

1835 — January  30 ;  Attempted  assassination  of 
President  Jackson. 

February  10;  Philadelphia  is  first  lighted 
with  gas  . 

February  12  ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty-sixth 
birthday ;  borrows  money  to  be  suitably 
clothed  before  going  to  the  state  capitol 
as  a  legislator ;  favors  woman's  suffrage, 
and  raises  his  voice  against  slavery. 

December  16;  Great  conflagration  in  New 
York  City  with  a  loss  of  $20,000,000. 

December  23  ;  Beginning  of  the  Florida  In 
dian  War. 

1836 — January  n;  A  petition  is  presented  to  Con 
gress  praying  that  the  institution  of  slav 
ery  may  be  abolished  in  the  District  of 
Columbia. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty- 
seventh  birthday  ;  licensed  to  practice  law. 

March    2 ;    Texas   declares  her  independence. 

April  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  commences  the 
practice  of  law  in  Springfield,  Illinois. 

May  14 ;  Mexico  acknowledges  independence 
of  Texas. 

June  15  ;  Arkansas  admitted  to  the  Union 
as  the  twenty-fifth  state. 


148 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln — 1836-1845 


1836 — November  —  ;   Abraham   Lincoln  is  re-elected 

to   the   Legislature   of   Illinois. 
November    — ;    Territory    of    Wisconsin    or 
ganized. 

1837 — January  26;  Congress  admits  Michigan  into 
the  Union  as  the  twenty-sixth  state. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty- 
eighth  birthday ;  retired  from  postmaster- 
ship  at  New  Salem,  Illinois. 

March  3  ;  Texas  recognized  as  independent 
by  United  States,  England  and  France. 

March  4 ;  Martin  Van  Buren  of  New  York 
is  inaugurated  the  eighth  President  of  the 
United  States. 

March  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  protests  against 
the  pro-slavery  action  of  the  majority  in 
the  Legislature;  entered  on  the  journal 
of  the  Assembly. 

May   5 ;   The   Creek   Indian  war  begins. 

December  i  ;  The  Cherokee  Indian  disturb 
ance — caused  by  the  enforced  removal  of 
the  Indians  to  the  West. 

December  8 ;  Wendell  Phillips's  first  "aboli 
tion  "  speech  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  to 
protest  against  the  murder  of  Elijah  P. 
Lovejoy. 

December  • — - ;  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse  first  pub 
licly  exhibits  his  telegraph. 

December  29 ;  American  sympathizers  with 
Canadians  in  revolt  against  English  rule 
attacked  in  Niagara  River ;  known  as 
"  Patriot  War." 


1839 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirtieth 
birthday ;  during  this  year  he  is  arguing 
against  slavery,  in  the  Legislature  at  Illi 
nois. 

June  — ;  Governor  of  the  territory  of  Florida 
offers  a  reward  of  two  hundred  dollars  for 
every  Indian  killed  or  taken. 

June  — ;  Daguerreotypes  first  taken  in  the 
United  States  by  Prof.  J.  W.  Draper. 

September  i  ;  Ulysses  S.  Grant  of  Ohio  en 
ters  the  Military  Academy  at  West  Point ; 
age  seventeen. 

1840 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirty-first 
birthday ;  during  this  year  he  is  again  re- 
elected  to  Legislature. 

February  —  ;  Another  pro-slavery  "  Gag-law  " 
passes  the  House. 

1841 — February  12 ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirty-sec 
ond  birthday ;  re-awakens  interest  in  tem 
perance  ;  finds  Stephen  A.  Douglas  his 
rival  in  state  legislature. 

March  4 ;  William  Henry  Harrison  of  Ohio 
is  inaugurated  ninth  President  of  the 
United  States,  dies  within  a  month  (April 
4)  and  John  Tyler  is  inaugurated  tenth 
President. 


1841 — September  4,  5  ;  A  riot  against  abolitionists 
and  negroes  occurs  at  Cincinnati. 

October  — ;    Uprising  of  slaves  in  Virginia. 

October  — ;  Elias  Howe  of  Massachusetts, 
a  mechanic,  invents  the  first  practical  sew 
ing  machine. 

1842 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirty-third 
birthday. 

February  22 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  addresses 
the  Washingtonian  Temperance  Society  at 
Springfield,  favoring  total  abstinence  and 
the  temperance  revolution. 

March  30 ;  First  use  of  Anaesthetics  in  medi 
cal  practice  in  America. 

May  2 ;  First  governmental  exploration  of 
western  country  beyond  the  Missouri. 

August  9  ;  Lord  Ashburton  and  Daniel  Web 
ster  sign  Treaty,  establishing  the  North 
western  boundaries,  and  those  extending 
westward  along  the  Great  Lakes ;  provides 
for  the  suppression  of  the  African  slave 
trade,  and  makes  provision  for  the  extra 
dition  of  criminals. 

September  — ;  Duel  between  Abraham  Lin 
coln  and  General  Shields. 

November  4 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  marries  Mary 
Todd  of  Lexington,  Kentucky. 

November  — ;  Earliest  actual  finding  of  gold 
in  California,  in  Los  Angeles  district. 

November  — ;  Anti-slavery  meetings  are 
broken  up  in  many  states ;  buildings  dam 
aged  and  its  advocates  assaulted. 


1838 — February     i  ;     John     Ericsson     patents     first       1843 

screw-propeller. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  twenty- 
ninth  birthday ;  enters  partnership  in  prac 
tice  of  law  with  John  T.  Stuart  in  Spring 
field,  Illinois. 

November  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  is  re-elected 
to  the  state  Legislature,  and  becomes  leader 
of  the  Whigs. 

November  — ;  Abolitionists  organize  a  po 
litical  party  in  New  York. 

December  1 1  ;  Congress ;  House  passes  a 
slavery  "  Gag-law." 

December  — ;  Government  forcibly  removes 
Cherokee  Indians  beyond  the  Mississippi. 


February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirty- 
fourth  birthday. 

March  3 ;  Congress  appropriates  $30,000  to 
aid  Professor  Morse  in  establishing  the 
first  telegraph  line,  between  Washington 
and  Baltimore. 


June  30 ;  Ulysses  S.  Grant  graduates  at  West 
Point ;  he  ranks  number  twenty-one  in  a 
class  of  thirty-nine. 

June  — ;  About  1,000  emigrants  leave  West- 
port  on  the  Missouri  frontier  on  a  journey 
of  2,000  miles  to  Oregon  and  arrive  in 
October. 

August  i  ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  son,  Robert 
Todd  Lincoln,  born. 

October  25  ;  Fremont's  expedition  reaches  the 
Columbia  River  in  Oregon. 


1844 — February    12;   Abraham    Lincoln's   thirty-fifth 

birthday. 
February    — ;    Both    political    parties    in    the 

North   are   divided  by  an  anti-slavery  and 

a  pro-slavery  wing. 
February    — ;    New    England    Workingmen's 

Association  is  organized  in   Boston. 

1845 — February  12;   Abraham  Lincoln's  thirty-sixth 
birthday. 

March  3  ;  Florida  (slave)  admitted  as  the 
twenty-seventh  state. 

March  3 ;  Congress  reduces  postage  on  let 
ters  to  five  cents  within  radius  of  three 
hundred  miles ;  ten  cents  for  greater  dis 
tances. 

March  4 ;  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  is 
inaugurated  the  eleventh  President. 

December  29  ;  Texas  admitted  as  the  twenty- 
eighth  state ;  slavery  is  permitted. 

December  — ;  Order  of  United  American 
Mechanics  is  founded. 


149 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln — 1845-1854 


1845  —  December  —  ;  Whigs  oppose  slavery.  South 
ern  Whigs,  under  lead  of  Henry  Clay,  now 
considered  slavery  an  evil  to  be  removed 
in  some  practical  way,  at  some  distant 
period,  but  not  to  be  interfered  with  in 
the  states  where  it  existed. 

^46  —  February     12;     Abraham     Lincoln's     thirty- 

seventh  birthday. 
March    10;    Abraham    Lincoln's    son,    Edward 

Baker  Lincoln,  born  —  but  died  in  infancy. 
April    25  ;    First   engagement   of  the   Mexican 

war  at  La  Rosa. 
May   8  ;   American   victory   in   battle   of   Palo 

Alto. 
May  9  ;  American  victory  in  battle  of  Resaca 

de  la   Palma. 
November  —  ;      Abraham    Lincoln    is    elected 

to  Congress  from  Illinois,  a  solitary  Whig 

among  seven   Democrats. 
December    28;     Iowa     (free)     admitted    into 

the   Union  as  the  twenty-ninth  state. 


February     12;     Abraham     Lincoln's     thirty- 

eighth  birthday. 
February   23  ;   American   victory  in   battle   of 

Buena    Vista. 
February     23  ;     American     victory     in     battle 

of   Sacramento. 
July    26  ;    First    electric    locomotive    was    ex 

hibited    and    operated. 
September    14;    American    army   triumphantly 

enters  city  of  Mexico. 
December  —  ;  Abraham   Lincoln  and  Andrew 

Jackson    in   the    House    of    Representatives 

at    Washington  ;    Stephen    A.    Douglas    and 

Jefferson  Davis  in  the  United  States  Sen 

ate. 
December      22  ;       Lincoln       introduced      his 

"  spots  "    resolutions    in    Congress. 

-   First  use   of  postage  stamps   un 

der    governmental    authority. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  thirty- 
ninth  birthday  ;  speaking  in  Massachusetts 
in  the  summer  of  this  year  against  the  Free 
Soil  Party  ;  introduced  bill  for  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
late  in  the  year  ;  meets  Seward  for  the 
first  time. 

February  —  ;  Discovery  of  gold  hastens  emi 
gration  to  California. 

May  29  ;  Wisconsin  (free)  admitted  to  the 
Union  as  the  thirtieth  state. 

July  4  ;   Peace  with   Mexico  is  proclaimed. 

July  —  ;  President  Polk  authorizes  the  United 
States  Minister  at  Madrid  to  offer  Spain 
$100,000,000  for  Cuba;  he  obtains  a  curt 
refusal. 


1849  —  February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fortieth 
birthday  ;  studies  and  masters  Euclid  ; 
seeks  appointment  as  Commissioner  of  the 
General  Land  Office  under  President  Tay 
lor  ;  fails  to  secure  same  ;  returns  to  law 
office  in  Springfield. 

March  5  ;  Zachary  Taylor  of  Louisiana,  in 
augurated  the  twelfth  President  of  the 
United  States. 

December  —  ;  Exciting  debates  occur  in 
Congress  on  the  Slavery  Question  ;  several 
Southern  members  threaten  secession  and 
Civil  War  if  slavery  is  excluded  from  the 
territories. 

December  —  ;   Gold   dollars   are   first   coined. 


1850 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-first 
birthday ;  declines  lucrative  offer  to  move 
to  Chicago  and  enter  partnership  of  lead 
ing  law  firm. 

March  7 ;  Daniel  Webster  delivers  his  mem 
orable  address  against  his  anti-slavery 
friends,  who  regard  it  as  a  betrayal. 

July  9  ;   Death  of  President  Taylor. 

July  10 ;  Vice-President  Millard  Fillmore  of 
New  York  is  inaugurated  the  thirteenth 
President  of  the  United  States. 

July  — ;  President  Fillmore  favors  compro 
mise  measures  with  slavery. 

September  9 ;  New  Mexico  and  Utah  terri 
tories  are  organized. 

September  9 ;  California  admitted  into  the 
Union  as  the  thirty-first  state ;  slavery  ex 
cluded. 

September  10;  Congress  passes  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Bill. 

September  20 ;  Slave  trade  suppressed  in 
District  of  Columbia  to  take  effect  Jan 
uary  i,  1851. 

September  i  ;  Total  slaves  in  the  United 
States,  3,204,313. 

December  21  ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  son,  Wil 
liam  Wallace  Lincoln,  born. 

December  — ;  Chicago  organizes  a  Board  of 
Trade ;  the  city  is  lighted  with  gas. 

1851 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-sec 
ond  birthday ;  circuit  lawyer. 

February  — ;  Death  of  Abraham  Lincoln's 
father,  Thomas  Lincoln,  age  seventy-three 
years. 

December  24 ;  Fire  consumes  part  of  the 
National  Capitol  and  the  Congressional 
Library  at  Washington. 

1852 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-third 
birthday;  joins  the  Sons  of  Temperance 
in  Springfield. 

June  29 ;  Death  of  Henry  Clay,  age  seventy- 
five. 

August  — ;  Lone  Star  Society  is  organized 
for  the  extension  of  National  influence  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere,  and  for  the  ac 
quisition  of  Cuba  and  the  Sandwich 
Islands. 

October  24 ;  Death  of  Daniel  Webster,  age 
seventy. 

October  — ;  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  by  Mrs 
Harriet  Beecher  Stowe,  causes  sensation 
and  inflames  public  mind  against  slavery. 

1853 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-fourth 
birthday. 

March  4 ;  Franklin  Pierce  of  New  Hampshire 
is  inaugurated  the  fourteenth  President  of 
the  United  States. 

April  4 ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  son,  Thomas 
Lincoln,  born. 

July  14;  World's  Fair;  Crystal  Palace  open 
ing  at  New  York. 

July  — ;  "  Know-Nothing "  Society,  a  politi 
cal  organization,  springs  up — soon  disap 
pears. 

July  — ;   Washington   Territory   is   organized. 

December  30 ;  Gadsden  purchase  consum 
mated  with  Mexico  securing  additional  ter 
ritory  for  New  Mexico  and  Arizona. 

1854 — January  — ;  Slavery  agitation  is  re-opened 
in  Congress  by  Archibald  Dixon  of  Ken 
tucky  (Democrat)  who  gives  notice  that 
the  Missouri  Compromise  is  to  be  repealed 
and  new  states  will  be  given  to  slavery. 


150 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln — 1854-1861 


1854 — January  — ;  Acrimonious  debates  on  the  ex 
tension  of  slavery  engage  the  Senate  for 
four  months. 

February  12 ;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-fifth 
birthday. 

March  31  ;  Commodore  Perry's  treaty  with 
Japan. 

April  20 ;  Massachusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Com 
pany  is  organized  with  a  fixed  capital 
limited  at  $5,000,000. 

May  30;  President  Pierce  signs  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill,  which  provides  for  the  or 
ganization  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska 
territories. 

July  — ;  Connecticut  Legislature  incorpo 
rates  an  Emigrant  Aid  Association. 

October  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  challenges 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  to  a  joint  debate  in 
the  canvass  for  Congress. 

1855 — January  — ;  First  bridge  across  the  Missis 
sippi — completed  at  Minneapolis. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-sixth 
birthday. 

February  — ;  Anti-Slavery  party  becomes 
generally  known  as  the  Republican  party ; 
Whig  party  rapidly  disappears. 

February  — ;  Struggle  over  the  Slavery  Ques 
tion  in  Kansas. 

1856 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty-sev 
enth  birthday  ;  became  Republican — and 
name  was  presented  for  yice-President  to 
the  first  National  Convention. 

May  22 ;  Senator  Sutnner  assaulted  in  Sen 
ate  because  of  his  anti-slavery  speeches. 

May  29  ;  Lincoln  delivers  his  famous  "  Lost 
Speech "  at  organization  of  Republican 
party  at  Bloomington,  Illinois. 

June  17;  The  Republican  National  Conven 
tion  at  Philadelphia  denounces  "  those  town 
relics  of  barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery." 

August  29 ;  A  band  of  pro-slavery  men,  under 
Captain  Reid,  defeats  John  Brown,  the 
abolitionist  of  Osawatomie. 

1857 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  forty- 
eighth  birthday. 

March  4 ;  James  Buchanan  of  Pennsylvania 
is  inaugurated  fifteenth  President  of  the 
United  States. 

March  6 ;  Dred  Scott  case  confirms  North 
ern  feeling  against  slavery. 

1858 — February   12;   Abraham   Lincoln's  forty-ninth 

birthday. 

May  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  wins  Armstrong 
murder  trial  as  defending  counsel. 

May  ii  ;  Minnesota  (free)  admitted  into 
the  Union  as  the  thirty-second  state. 

June  16;  Lincoln  delivers  his  celebrated  open 
ing  speech  in  his  campaign  for  the  Senate 
at  Springfield,  Illinois. 

August  5  ;  Celebration  of  the  successful  lay 
ing  of  the  Atlantic  cable. 

August  21  ;  First  of  the  famous  Lincoln- 
Douglas  debates  at  Ottawa,  Illinois. 

August  27 ;  Second  Lincoln-Douglas  debate 
at  Freeport,  Illinois. 

September  15 ;  Third  Lincoln-Douglas  de 
bate  at  Jonesboro,  Illinois. 

September  18;  Fourth  Lincoln-Douglas  de 
bate  at  Charleston,  Illinois. 

October  7 ;  Fifth  Lincoln-Douglas  debate  at 
Galesburg,  Illinois. 


1858 — October  13  ;   Sixth  Lincoln-Douglas  debate  at 

Quincy,    Illinois. 

October  15  ;  Seventh  Lincoln-Douglas  debate 
at  Alton,  Illinois. 

1859 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fiftieth 
birthday. 

February  14 ;  Oregon  (free)  admitted  into 
the  Union  as  the  thirty-third  state. 

September  — ;  Abraham  Lincoln  answers 
Douglas  in  Ohio. 

October  16;  John  Brown  makes  a  raid  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  in  Virginia,  to  free  the 
slaves. 

October  — ;  Jefferson  Davis  addresses  the 
Democratic  State  Convention  of  Missis 
sippi  in  behalf  of  slavery  and  the  extension 
of  the  slave  territory. 

December  2 ;  John  Brown  hanged  for  treason 
at  Charleston,  West  Virginia. 

1860 — February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fifty-first 
birthday. 

February  27 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  delivers  his 
first  great  address  in  New  York  at  Cooper 
Union. 

May  18;  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois  nom 
inated  for  President  of  the  United  States 
by  the  Republican  party  at  Chicago  ;  Han 
nibal  Hamlin  of  Maine,  Vice-President. 

November  6 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  elected  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  (Republican), 
receiving  1,866,452  votes;  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  (Southern  Democratic),  1,375.- 
157;  Breckinridge  (Democratic),  845,763 
Bell  (Union),  589,581. 

December  14 ;  Senators  and  Representatives 
from  eight  Southern  states  issue  addresses 
to  their  constituents,  urging  secession  of 
separate  states  for  the  purpose  of  organiz 
ing  a  Southern  Confederacy. 

December  20 ;  South  Carolina  secedes  from 
the  Union ;  this  leads  to  Civil  War  between 
the  North  and  the  South. 

December  26 ;  Fort  Sumter  fortified  by  Ma 
jor  Anderson. 

December  27-30 ;  South  Carolinians  take 
possession  of  United  States  property  in 
their  state,  except  Fort  Sumter. 

December  31  ;  There  are  thirty-three  states 
in  the  Union ;  eighteen  free  and  fifteen 
slave ;  this  gives  the  control  of  the  gov 
ernment  to  the  free  states. 

1861 — January  5;  Steamship  "Star  of  the  West" 
sails  with  reinforcements  and  supplies  for 
Major  Anderson  in  charge  of  Fort  Sum 
ter. 

January  9 ;  First  shot  is  fired  in  the  Civil 
War,  when  the  "  Star  of  the  West,"  ap 
proaching  Fort  Sumter,  is  attacked  by 
the  batteries  of  Fort  Moultrie  and  com 
pelled  to  retire. 

January     9 ;     Mississippi,    the    second    state, 


Florida,  the  third  state,  secedes. 
Alabama,    the    fourth    state,    se- 


secedes. 

January  n 

January    1 1 
cedes. 

January  19 ;  Georgia,  the  fifth  state,  secedes. 

January    26 ;    Louisiana,    the   sixth    state,    se 
cedes. 

January  29 ;    Kansas    (free)    is  admitted  into 
the   Union   as   the   thirty-fourth    state. 

February    i  ;    Texas,    the    seventh    state,    se 
cedes. 


151 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln— 1861-1863 


1861 — February  4;  Confederate  Congress  is  or 
ganized  in  Alabama. 

February  4 ;  Peace  Congress  met  at  Wash 
ington. 

February  4 ;  Twenty-one  states  sent  dele 
gates  to  Washington  in  response  to  Vir 
ginia's  call  for  peace  conference  to  avert 
war.  Conference  failed. 

February  1 1  ;  Lincoln  delivers  farewell  ad 
dress  to  his  neighbors  at  Springfield,  Illi 
nois,  as  he  departs  for  Washington. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fifty-second 
birthday. 

February  18  ;  Inauguration  of  Jefferson  Davis 
as  President  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America. 

February  22 ;  Lincoln,  at  Philadelphia, 
warned  of  a  plot  to  assassinate  him  while 
passing  through  Baltimore  by  Allan  Pink- 
erton,  chief  of  the  Secret  Service. 

February  22 ;  Lincoln  speaks  in  Independence 
Hall  at  Philadelphia ;  abandons  his  public 
journey  and  makes  a  secret  and  hasty  de 
parture  in  the  night  from  Harrisburg  for 
Washington. 

February  23  ;  Lincoln  arrives  at  Washington. 

February  28 ;  Congress  organizes  the  terri 
tory  of  Colorado. 

March  2 ;  Congress  organizes  the  territories 
of  Nevada  and  Dakota. 

March  4 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  of  Illinois  is 
inaugurated  the  sixteenth  President  of  the 
United  States. 

March  4 ;  President  Lincoln  delivers  his 
inaugural  message  and  announces  a  change 
of  administrative  policy. 

March  n  ;  Confederate  Congress  provides 
for  organization  of  an  army. 

April  12;  Confederates  open  fire  on  Fort 
Sumter  at  4.40  A.  M. 

April  14;  Major  Anderson  evacuates  Fort 
Sumter. 

April  15;  Lincoln  calls  for  an  extra  session 
of  Congress  and  75,000  volunteer  soldiers. 

April    17;   Virginia,  the  eighth  state,  secedes. 

April  18;  First  volunteer  troops  reach  Wash 
ington. 

April  19;  First  bloodshed  in  the  Civil  War, 
on  streets  of  Baltimore,  Maryland. 

April  29 ;  Maryland  house  of  delegates  re 
jects  ordinance  of  secession. 

May  3;  Lincoln  calls  for  500,000  volunteers; 

700,680    respond. 

May  6 ;  Arkansas,  the  ninth  state,  seceded. 
May   10 ;   Lincoln  proclaims  martial   law. 
May    20 ;    North    Carolina,    the    tenth    state, 

secedes. 
June   3 ;    Death   of    Stephen   A.    Douglas,   age 

forty-eight,  on  the  eve  of  the  Civil  War. 

June  8 ;  Tennessee,  the  eleventh  state, 
secedes. 

June  1 1  ;  Forty  counties  in  western  part  of 
Virginia  repudiate  secession  ordinance  and 
proclaim  themselves  a  new  state. 

July  21  ;  Confederates  win  battle  of  Bull 
Run. 

July  22 ;  Federal  Congress  votes  $500,000,- 
ooo  to  support  the  war,  and  gives  Lincoln 
war-powers. 

July  27 ;  General  George  B.  McClellan  ap 
pointed  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac. 


1861  —  November   8;   Trent   Affair  —  Mason   and    Sli- 

dell,  Confederate  Commissioners,  taken 
from  English  ship,  and  England  threatens 
war.  Mason  and  Slidell  are  released. 

1862  —  January    13;    Lincoln    calls    Stanton    to    his 

cabinet  as  Secretary  of  War. 
February    12;    Abraham    Lincoln's    fifty-third 

birthday. 
February   16;   First  great  victory  of  the  Fed 

eral    arms  ;    capture   of    Fort    Donelson. 
February    20  ;    Abraham    Lincoln's    son,    Wil 

liam     Wallace     Lincoln,     age     twelve,     dies 

in   the   White    House. 
February    25  ;    Congress    passed    Legal    Ten 

der  Act. 
March    9  ;    Ironclad   "  Monitor  "   repulses   the 

Confederate      battleship      "  Merrimac  "      in 

four  hours'   naval  combat. 
April   4  ;    Beginning   of    Peninsula   Campaign. 
April    6-7  ;    Confederate    attack    on    Pittsburg 

Landing  repulsed. 
April   16;   Confederate  Congress  passed  Con 

scription    Acts,    calling    to    military    service 

all     able-bodied     persons      between       18-45 

years   of  age. 
April     1  6  ;     Slaves    in    District    of    Columbia 

emancipated    by    Congress. 
April  25  ;   Farragut  wrests  New  Orleans  from 

Confederates    after    desperate    battle. 
June    28  ;    Conference    of    loyal    governors    at 

Altoona,    Pennsylvania. 
July   2  ;    Lincoln  calls   for   300,000  volunteers 

for    three    years. 
August   4  ;    Lincoln    calls    for   300,000   militia 

for   nine   months. 
August    30  ;    Second    defeat    of    the    Federals 

at   Second    Bull   Run. 
August    31  ;    General    Fremont    (Federal)    or 

dered    slaves    freed    in    Missouri,    but    Lin 

coln   modified   proclamation. 
September    17;     Federal    army    victorious    at 

battle    of   Antietam. 
September    22  ;    Lincoln    issues    the    Emanci 

pation   Proclamation. 
October    i  ;    Lincoln    visits   the    battlefield    of 

Antietam. 
October    4  ;    Confederates    defeated    at    Cor 

inth. 
December   13;   Battle  of  Fredericksburg. 

December    19;     Attempt    of    the     Senate    to 

reconstruct   the    Cabinet. 
December   31  ;    Beginning  of   three   days'  bat 

tle  at  Murfreesboro. 


January  i  ;  Emancipation  Proclamation  takes 
effect  and  slaves  are  declared  free. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fifty-fourth 
birthday. 

February  25  ;  Congress  established  a  na 
tional  currency  :  National  Bank  Act 
passed  by  Congress. 

March    3  ;    Draft    Act    passed    calling    every 

able-bodied    citizen    of    the    United    States 

into    military    service. 
May  2-3  ;  Federal  army  retreats  at  battle  of 

Chancellorsville. 
June     19;     West     Virginia,     the     thirty-fifth 

state,    admitted    to    the    Union. 
July  1-3  ;  Federal  army  wins  battle  of  Gettys 

burg. 
July    4  ;    Federal    army    captures    Vicksburg. 


152 


Chronology  of  the  Life  of  Lincoln — 1863-1865 


1863 — July  ii  ;  Washington  threatened  by  Con 
federate  hosts  at  its  threshold. 

July  13-16;  Riots  in  New  York  City  in  op 
position  to  Draft  Act — about  a  thousand 
persons  killed ;  a  million  and  a  half  dol 
lars'  worth  of  property  destroyed. 

July  16;  Second  Conscription  Act  passed  by 
Confederate  Congress. 

August  6 ;  National  Thanksgiving  was  ob 
served  for  Union  victories. 

September  19-20;  Federal  army  defeated  at 
Chickamauga. 

October  17 ;  Lincoln  calls  for  300,000  vol 
unteers. 

November  19;  Lincoln  delivers  his  immortal 
eulogy  at  the  battlefield  of  Gettysburg. 

November  23-25 ;  Federal  army  wins  battle 
of  Chattanooga. 

1864 — February    12;    Abraham    Lincoln's    fifty-fifth 

birthday. 
March      9 ;      Grant      made      Commander-in- 

Chief  of  Federal  forces. 
May    5-12 ;    Battles    of   the   Wilderness. 
June     14 ;     The    beginning    of    the     siege    of 

Petersburg,   Virginia. 
June    28 ;    Secretary   of    the    Treasury    Chase 

resigns. 

July   3 ;    Delaware  placed   under  martial   law. 
July  18;  Lincoln  calls  for  500,000  men. 

July  18;  Conference  at  Niagara  Falls  of 
Horace  Greeley  and  Confederate  Com 
missioners. 

September   2 ;    Federals   capture   Atlanta. 

October  31  ;  Nevada,  the  thirty-sixth  state, 
admitted  to  the  Union. 

November  8 ;  Abraham  Lincoln  re-elected 
President  of  the  United  States;  (Repub 
lican)  2,216,067;  George  B.  McClellan 
(Democrat)  1,808,725. 

December  10-21  ;  Federal  army  captures  Sa 
vannah. 

December  15-16;  Federal  army  wins  battle 
of  Nashville. 

December  19;  Lincoln  calls  for  300,000  vol 
unteers. 

1865 — February  i  ;  Thirteenth  Amendment,  con 
stitutionally  prohibiting  slavery,  adopted 
by  Congress  and  ratified  by  states  De 
cember  1 8,  1865. 

February  3  ;  Peace  conference  between  Con 
federates  and  Federals  at  Hampton 
Roads,  Virginia. 

February  9 ;  General  Robert  E.  Lee  made 
Commander-in-Chief  of  Confederate  forces. 

February  12;  Abraham  Lincoln's  fifty-sixth 
birthday. 

March  4 ;  Lincoln  delivers  his  second  inau 
gural  address. 


1865 — March  5  ;  First  negro  ever  entertained  at 
White  House — Frederick  Douglas. 

March  22  to  April  9 ;  Lincoln  visits  Grant's 
army  at  City  Point,  in  Virginia. 

April  3  ;  Fall  of  Richmond,  the  capital  of  the 
Confederacy. 

April   4-5  ;    President  Lincoln  visits  the  ruins 

of  the  evacuated  city  of  Richmond. 
April   9 ;   Surrender  of  Lee  to   Grant  at  Ap- 

pomattox,  Virginia. 
April    1 1  ;    Lincoln    delivers    his    last    speech 

from    one    of    the    windows    at    the    White 

House. 
April   14;   Lincoln  shot  at  Ford's  Theater  by 

John   Wilkes   Booth,   the  actor ;   the  nation 

thrown  into  consternation. 
April      14 ;_     Secretary     of      State,      Seward, 

stabbed  in  bed.      Failure  of  plot  to  assassi- 
~  nate     General     Grant     and     Vice-President 

Johnson. 
April   15;   Death  of  Abraham  Lincoln  at  the 

hour    of    7:22    on    Saturday    morning;    the 

republic  bows  in  grief ;  the  world  extends 

condolences. 
April    15 ;    Andrew     Johnson     of     Tennessee 

takes    oath    of    office    as    seventeenth    Pres 
ident    of    the    United    States. 

April  19;  Funeral  of  Abraham  Lincoln  at  the 
the  White  House ;  body  borne  to  the 
National  Capitol,  to  lie  in  state ;  memorial 
services  held  throughout  the  nation  at 
tended  by  more  than  25,000,000  mourners. 

April  21  ;  Funeral  train  bearing  remains  of 
Lincoln  leaves  Washington ;  journey  of 
nearly  2,000  miles ;  one  of  the  greatest 
funeral  pageants  that  the  world  had  ever 
known. 

April  26 ;  John  Wilkes  Booth,  assassinator 
of  Lincoln,  shot  by  "  Boston "  Corbett, 
cavalry  sergeant,  in  Garrett's  tobacco^ 
house,  near  Bowling  Green,  in  Virginia. 

May  3  ;  Arrival  of  funeral  cortege  of  Lincoln 
at  Springfield,  Illinois,  a  million  Americans 
having  looked  upon  the  face  of  the  nation's 
savior. 

May  4 ;  Burial  of  Lincoln  at  "  Oak  Ridge " 
near  his  old  home  in  Illinois ;  the  press 
of  the  world  paid  tribute  in  eulogies  to  him 
as  "  the  Greatest  American." 

May  12;  Trial  of  conspirators  in  assassina 
tion  plot  begins.  General  Grant  one  of 
the  first  witnesses. 

July  5  ;  Mrs.  Mary  A.  Surratt,  Davey  Herold, 
George  A.  Atzerodt  and  Lewis  Payne 
found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  be  executed. 
Michael  O'Laughlin,  Sam  Arnold  and  Dr. 
Samuel  A.  Mudd  sentenced  to  life  im 
prisonment.  Edward  Spangler  sentenced 
to  imprisonment  for  6  years. 

July  7 ;  Hanging  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  Herold, 
Atzerodt  and  Payne  in  prison  yard  at 
Washington,  as  conspirators  in  the  assas 
sination  of  Lincoln. 


Thy  task  is  done ;  the  bond  are  free : 
We  bear  thee  to  an  honored  grave, 

Whose  proudest  monument  shall  be 
The  broken  fetters  of  the  slave. 

Pure  was   thy  life ;    its   bloody   close 

Hath   placed  thee   with  the  sons   of  light, 

Among  the  noble  host  of  those 

Who  perished  in  the  cause  of  Right. 

— William  Cullen  Bryant. 

153 


The  Portrait  Life  of  Lincoln 

PART  VI 

A  Handbook   of  the   Famous  Photographic 

Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 
Treasured  in  the  Great  American  Collections 


Famous  Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 


Page 

First  portrait  taken  of  Lincoln  when  he  entered  National  politics — age  37.  This  daguerreotype 
is  undoubtedly  first  time  that  Lincoln  sat  for  his  portrait.  It  was  taken  during  his  cam 
paign  for  Congress  or  shortly  after  his  election,  when  he  delivered  his  first  speech — from 
1846  to  1848.  Photograph  from  original  daguerreotype  in  possession  of  Honorable  Robert 
T.  Lincoln  of  Chicago,  Illinois 13 

Photograph  of  Mary  Todd,  who  married  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  1842 — Lincoln  was  now  33 
years  of  age.  This  negative  was  taken  some  years  later,  at  time  of  Lincoln's  inauguration 
for  Presidency,  and  presents  her  in  gown  worn  at  Inaugural  Ball — Original  life  negative 
in  collection  of  Americana — Owned  by  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 15 

Photograph  taken  while  Lincoln,  age  45,  was  engaged  in  Missouri  Compromise,  in  1854.  Original 
was  taken  in  an  itinerant  gallery  in  Chicago,  for  George  Schneider,  editor  of  "Staats 
Zeitung' ' 17 

Photograph  taken  in  1856  when  Lincoln,  age  47,  was  mentioned  for  Vice-President  in  first 
Republican  Convention — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  of  Washington, 
D.  C 17 

First  photograph  of  Lincoln  circulated  throughout  the  country  for  campaign  purposes — Taken 
in  Chicago,  in  1857 — Lincoln  was  now  48  years  of  age.  Original  negative,  by  Alexander 
Hesler,  burned  in  Chicago  fire.  Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  H.  W.  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois.  .  19 

Ambrotype  taken  in  1858,  shortly  after  Lincoln's  speech  at  Galesburg,  Illinois.      Print  owned  by 

Mr.  O.  H.  Oldroyd  of  Washington 19 

Photograph  Lincoln  sat  for  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  during  the  memorable  campaign  of  1858 — 

age  49  years.     Print  owned  by  Mrs.  Harriet  Chapman  of  Charleston,  Illinois 21 

Ambrotype  taken  at  Pittsfield,  Illinois,  October  1,  1858,  immediately  after  Lincoln  had  made 
his  speech  on  public  square — age  49.  Original  by  C.  Jackson,  owned  by  Miss  Hattie 
Gilmer  of  Pittsfield,  Illinois.  Print  in  collection  of  Frederick  H.  Meserve,  New  York.  .  21 

Photograph  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  taken  during  his  debates  with  Lincoln  in  1858 — Lincoln 
was  now  49  years  of  age;  Douglas  was  45  years.  This  negative  was  taken  after  Douglas 
defeated  Lincoln  for  United  States  Senate,  which  was  followed  two  years  later  by 
Lincoln's  defeat  of  Douglas  for  President  of  the  United  States.  Original  in  the  collec 
tion  of  American  celebrities — Owned  by  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington,  D.  C 23 

Ambrotype  taken  August  25,  1858,  at  Macomb,  Illinois,  when  Lincoln  was  campaigning  against 

Douglas  for  United  States  Senate — Owned  by  Mr.  W.  J.  Franklin  of  Macomb,  Illinois.  ...      25 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  as  he  appeared  in  political  campaign,  in  1858 — age  49 — Original  negative 
owned  by  Dr.  McWilliams  of  Dwight,  Illinois.  Print  in  possession  of  Mr.  Stuart  Brown 
of  Springfield,  Illinois 25 

Ambrotype  of  Lincoln  in  linen  coit,  during  Douglas  debates  at  Beardstown,  Illinois,  in  1858 — 
Original  now  in  Lincoln  Monument  Collection  at  Springfield,  Illinois — Print  in  possession 
of  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  of  Washington,  D.  C 27 

Photograph  taken  during  famous  Lin  coin- Douglas  debates,  in  1858 — age  49 — Collection  of  Mr. 

J.  C.  Browne  of  Philadelphia 27 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  time  of  John  Brown's  raid,  at  Harper's  Ferry — age  50 — This  negative, 
taken  in  1859,  was  destroyed  in  Chicago  fire — Mrs.  Lincoln  considered  it  best  likeness  of 
her  husband  she  had  ever  seen — It  presents  Lincoln  as  he  appeared  just  before  his  nomi 
nation  for  Presidency — Original  negative  by  S.  M.  Fassett  of  Chicago,  Illinois — Photograph 
owned  by  Mr.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  of  Boston,  Massachusetts — Print  in  collection  of 
Mr.  H.  W.  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois 29 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  in  1860  at  the  time  of  his  "Cooper  Institute  Speech"  in  New  York 
during  his  campaign  for  the  Presidency — age  51 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady  of 
New  York — Collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington,  D.  C 31 

Photograph  taken  in  summer  of  1860  for  campaign  purposes — Original  negative  owned  by 
Mr.  M.  C.  Tuttle  of  St.  Paul,  Minnesota — Print  from  collection  of  Mr.  Daniel  Fish  of  Minne 
apolis,  Minnesota 31 

Photograph  taken  before  the  Republican  National  Convention  at  Chicago,  in  1860 — Found  in 

collection  of  the  late  Mr.  J.  Henry  Brown  of  Philadelphia 33 

Photograph  taken  at  his  home  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  immediately  after  his  nomination  for 
Presidency,  in  1860 — age  51 — Original  by  Alexander  Hesler  of  Chicago,  destroyed  during 
the  fire — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  Herbert  W.  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois 33 

Photograph  taken  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  June,   1860 — Copyright,   1894,  by  Mr.  George  B. 

Ayers — Negative  now  owned  by  Mr.  H.  C.  Brown  of  New  York 35 

Ambrotype  taken  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  May  20,  1860 — Original  presented  to  Governor  Marcus 

L.  Ward  of  New  Jersey — Now  in  possession  of  the  Ward  family  of  Newark,  New  Jersey.     35 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  as  he  entered  campaign  for  Presidency  at  51  years  of  age — Original  neg 
ative  taken  in  June,  1860,  at  Springfield,  Illinois — Copyright,  1881,  by  Mr.  George  B. 
Ayers — Negative  now  owned  by  Mr.  H.  C.  Brown  of  New  York 37 

Ambrotype  taken  August,  1860,  when  seventy  thousand  Westerners  visited  Lincoln  at  his  home 
in  Springfield,  Illinois — Age  51  years — Original  in  collection  of  Mr.  William  H.  Lambert 

of  Philadelphia 37 

156 


Famous  Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 


Page 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  greeting  his  neighbors  for  last  time  at  his  old  home — Photograph  taken 
at  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  1861,  when  Lincoln  was  bidding  farewell  to  his  townspeople 
before  going  to  inauguration  at  Washington — Negative  in  the  collection  of  Americana, 

owned  by  Mr.  F.  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 39 

Photograph  of  Capitol  at  Washington  when  Lincoln  went  to  his  inauguration — Photograph 
taken  while  crowd  was  gathering  for  inauguration,  in  1861,  showing  National  Capitol 
of  Republic  in  course  of  its  construction — Negative  in  collection  of  Americana,  owned 

by  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 40 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  his  home  in  Springfield — Photograph  taken  early  in  1861  as  Lincoln 
stood  with  his  two  younger  sons  in  his  front  yard — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 

of  Washington 41 

Photograph  of  White  House  as  Lincoln  entered  it — Photograph  taken  at  Presidential  mansion 
in  Washington,  in  1861,  in  first  spring  of  Lincoln's  occupancy — Print  in  collection  of 

Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington 41 

Photograph  taken  shortly  after  Lincoln's  election  to  the  Presidency.  Believed  to  be  his  first 
portrait  with  beard,  early  in  1861,  at  52  years  of  age — Owned  by  Mr.  H.  W.  Fay,  DeKalb, 

Illinois 43 

Photograph  taken  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  just  prior  to  Lincoln's  departure  for  Washington,  in 
1861 — Original  negative  by  F.  M.  McNulta — Now  owned  and  copyrighted,  1894,  by 

Mr.  Herbert  Wells  Fay  of  DeKalb,  Illinois 43 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  early  in  1861,  about  time  he  entered  White  House — Original 
negative  by  Alexander  Hesler  of  Chicago — Print  owned  by  Mr.  Frank  A.  Brown  of 

Minneapolis 45 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  just  before  leaving  Springfield  for  White  House,  in  1861,  age  52 — 

Original  negative  by  C.  S.  German — Print  owned  by  Mr.  Allen  Jasper  Conant 45 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  his  inauguration — Negative  taken  while  Lincoln  was  delivering  inau 
gural  address  before  great  throng  that  had  gathered  at  National  Capitol — The  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  can  be  seen  sitting  at  his  left — Print  in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collec 
tion  deposited  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 47 

Photographs  of  members  of  President  Lincoln's  Cabinet — Original  negatives  taken  from  1861- 

1865  by  Mathew  Brady  of  Washington 49-55 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Vice-President  in  1861-1865 — Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine 49 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  War  in  1861-1862 — Simon  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania  ...      49 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  War  in  1862-1865 — Edwin  M.  Stanton  of  Ohio 49 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  State  in  1861-1865 — William  H.  Seward  of  New  York  .  49 
Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1861-1864 — Salmon  P.  Chase  of  Ohio  ...  51 
Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in  1861-1865 — Gideon  Welles  of  Connecticut  .  .  51 
Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in  1861-1865 — Caleb  B.  Smith  of  Indiana  .  .  51 
Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Postmaster-General  in  1861-1864 — Montgomery  Blair  of  Maryland..  51 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Attorney-General  in  1861-1863 — Edward  Bates  of  Missouri 53 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Assistant  Secretary  of  War — Charles  A.  Dana  of  New  York 53 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1864-1865 — William  P.  Fessenden  of  Maine  53 
Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Interior  in  1863-1865 — John  P.  Usher  of  Indiana  ....  53 
Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1865 — Hugh  McCulloch  of  Indiana.  ...  55 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Attorney-General  in  1864-1865 — James  Speed  of  Kentucky 55 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Postmaster-General  in  1864-1865 — William  Dennison  of  Ohio   55 

Photograph  of  Lincoln's  Second  Vice-President  in  1865 — Andrew  Johnson  of  North  Carolina.     55 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  seated  with  his  Secretaries,  Nicolay  and  Hay — Taken  in  Springfield, 
Illinois,  in  1861,  just  before  leaving  for  Washington — Print  in  original  Brady-Gardner 
Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 57 

Photograph  presented  by  Lincoln  to  Mrs.  Lucy  G.  Speed,  on  October  3,  1861,  on  which  he 
inscribed  his  autograph — Negative  in  the  collection  of  Americana  in  possession  of  Mr. 
Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 57 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  in  camp  with  army  at  Antietam — Negative  taken  October  3,  1862,  when 
Lincoln  was  standing  in  front  of  General  McClellan's  tent — Taken  by  Mathew  Brady, 
government  photographer — Original  negative  in  the  Brady  Collection  at  Springfield, 
Massachusetts — Copyrighted,  1910,  by  the  Patriot  Publishing  Company 59 

Photograph  of  President  Lincoln  on  battlefield  of  Antietam  under  guard  of  the  Secret  Service — 
Original  negative  taken  by  Mathew  Brady  on  October  3,  1862;  Lincoln  was  accompanied 
by  Allan  Pinkerton  (Major  Allen),  first  chief  of  the  Secret  Service,  standing  at  his  right, 
and  General  McClernand.  at  his  left — Deposited  in  the  Original  Collection  of  seven  thou 
sand  negatives  valued  at  $150,000  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyright,  1907,  by 
Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton,  Hartford,  Connecticut 60 

157 


Famous  Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 


Page 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  with  his  Generals — Original  negative  taken  in  Army  of  the  Potomac 
at  Antietam,  on  October  3,  1862,  while  Lincoln  was  addressing  General  McClellan  and 
staff — Negative  in  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyright, 
1907,  by  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton,  Hartford,  Connecticut 61 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  with  his  soldiers  at  battle-line — Negative  taken  while  Lincoln  was 
inspecting  conditions  in  army  at  Antietam  on  October  3,  1862 — Original  negative  by 
Mathew  Brady — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  C.  M.  Derickson  of  Monessen,  Pennsylvania  61 

Photograph  of  President  Lincoln  in  General  McClellan' s  tent  at  battle  grounds  of  Antietam — 
Original  negative  taken  by  Mathew  Brady  on  October  3,  1862,  while  Lincoln  was  in  con 
ference  with  General  McClellan  a  few  days  after  the  great  battle — Now  deposited  in  the 
Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyright,  1907,  by  Mr.  Edward 
Bailey  Eaton  and  valued  at  ten  thousand  dollars 62 

Photograph  of  President  Lincoln  in  the  second  year  of  the  American  Civil  War — Original 
negative  taken  by  Mathew  Brady  in  Washington,  in  1862 — Print  owned  by  Mr.  Baldwin 
Coolidge  of  Boston,  Massachusetts 63 

Photograph  taken  after  first  Emancipation  Proclamation — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady 
at  Washington  in  September,  1862,  age  53  years — Print  in  possession  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy 
of  Washington,  District  of  Columbia 65 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  shortly  after  signing  of  Emancipation  Proclamation — Original  negative 
taken  by  Alexander  Gardner  at  Washington,  in  1863,  when  Lincoln,  age  54,  broke  the 
chains  that  had  bound  three  million  slaves — Negative  in  collection  of  Americana  of 
Frederick  H.  Meserve,  New  York 67 

Photograph  of  President  Lincoln's  son,  William  Wallace  Lincoln,  who  died  in  White  House, 
February  20,  1862,  at  twelve  years  of  age — Collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of 
New  York 69 

Photograph  of  Thomas  (Tad)  Lincoln,  born  April  4,  1853,  who  became  companion  of  President 
Lincoln  during  his  last  years  in  White  House — The  oldest  son,  Robert  Todd  Lincoln, 
was  in  Harvard — Collection  of  Frederick  H.  Meserve 69 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  at  Washington,  in  1863,  shortly  after  battle  of  Chancellorsville — 

Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady 71 

Photograph  taken  the  Sunday  before  Lincoln  left  for  battlefield  of  Gettysburg  in  November, 

1863 — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady 71 

Photograph  taken  during  Lincoln's  speech  on  battlefield  of  Gettysburg — Original  negative 
by  Alexander  Gardner  on  November  19,  1863,  while  Lincoln  was  delivering  his  famous 
Gettysburg  address  at  consecration  of  the  cemetery — Original  in  Brady-Gardner  Collec 
tion  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyrighted,  1910,  by  the  Patriot  Publishing  Com 
pany  73 

Photograph  taken  about  time  of  battle  of  Gettysburg,  in  1863 — Original  negative  by  Mathew 

Brady 74 

Photograph  taken  in  Brady  Gallery  at  National  Capital,  in  1863,  during  darkest  days  of  Civil 
War — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady — Life  negative  in  collection  of  Americana  of 
Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 74 

Photograph  taken  shortly  after  Lincoln  called  for  a  half  million  more  men,  in  1864 — Original 

negative  by  Mathew  Brady  of  Washington 75 

Photograph  taken  when  Lincoln  Was  seeking  a  new  general  for  all  the  armies  of  the  Republic, 

in  1864 — Negative  by  Mathew  Brady  at  Washington 75 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  taken  early  in  1864  at  request  of  Secretary  Seward  of  his  cabinet — 
Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady  at  Washington — Now  in  the  collection  of  Mr.  L.  C. 
Handy  at  Washington 77 

Photograph  taken  about  time  of  battle  of  Spottsylvania  Court  House,  in  1864 — Original  nega 
tive  by  Mathew  Brady — Deposited  in  the  War  Department  Collection  at  Washington.  .  77 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  time  Lincoln  met  Grant,  in  1864 — Original  negative  by  Mathew 
Brady  at  Washington — Life  negative  in  collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New 
York 79 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  time  of  Grant's  taking  command  of  the  army,  in  1864 — Original 

negative  by  Mathew  Brady — Print  in  collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York     79 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  time  of  his  second  nomination  for  Presidency  of  United  States — 
Negative  taken  in  1864,  when  political  leaders  were  declaring  that  Lincoln  could  not  be 
re-elected  and  American  people  were  demanding  his  leadership — Original  negative  by 
Walker  of  Washington — Print  from  the  collection  of  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  at  the  Lincoln 
Museum  at  Washington 81 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  time  of  his  second  nomination  for  Presidency,  in  1864 — Original 
negative  by  Mathew  Brady — From  collection  of  Americana  of  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of 
New  York 82 

Photograph  of   Lincoln  with  his  son  Thomas    (Tad),   in   1864 — Original  negative  by  Mathew 

Brady  at  Washington 82 

158 


Famous  Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 


Page 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  with  his  son  Thomas  (Tad)  in  White  House — Negative  taken  with 
Lincoln  in  his  characteristic  attitude  at  home  with  his  eleven-year-old  son  by  his  side — 
His  son  William  Wallace  had  died  at  the  White  House  two  years  before — Original  nega 
tive  by  Mathew  Brady  in  collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  at  Washington 83 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  about  time  of  second  election  as  President,  in  1864 — Original  negative 
by  Walker,  photographer  for  the  Treasury  Department  at  Washington — Print  from 
collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 85 

Photograph  of  Lincoln,  age  56  years,  shortly  before  his  second  inauguration,  in  1865 — Original 
negative  by  Alexander  Gardner  at  Washington — Print  from  the  collection  of  Mr.  Fred 
erick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 85 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  in  closing  days  of  American  Crisis,  in  1865 — Original  negative  by  Alex 
ander  Gardner  at  Washington — Print  from  the  collection  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  in  Wash 
ington,  District  of  Columbia 87 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  his  second  inauguration,  in  1865,  age  56  years — Original  negative 
by  H.  F.  Warren,  Waltham,  Massachusetts — Print  in  the  collection  of  Mr.  Osborn  H. 
Oldroyd  at  the  Lincoln  Museum  in  Washington 87 

Photograph  of  President  Lincoln  about  time  of  fall  of  Richmond,  in  1865 — Original  negative 
taken  a  few  days  before  Lincoln  went  to  capital  of  Confederacy  to  look  upon  ruins  of 
historic  city — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady — Deposited  in  Original  Brady  Col 
lection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyright,  1909,  by  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton.  ...  89 

Photograph  of  Lincoln  at  end  of  Civil  War  and  Surrender  at  Appomattox — Original  negative 
taken  in  Washington,  in  1865,  shortly  before  the  hosts  of  the  South  and  the  legions  of 
the  North  clasped  hands  in  peace — Original  negative  by  Mathew  Brady,  now  considered 
the  greatest  portrait  of  Lincoln  ever  taken — Deposited  in  the  Original  Brady  Collection 
at  Springfield,  Massachusetts — Copyright,  1908,  by  Mr.  Edward  Bailey  Eaton 91 

Last  portrait  of  Lincoln  ever  taken — Photograph  taken  a  few  days  before  end  of  Lincoln's  life, 
in  April,  1865,  when  war  was  over  and  American  people  were  re-united  into  an  inseparable 
brotherhood — Original  negative  by  Alexander  Gardner  at  Washington — Collection  of  Mr. 
M.  P.  Rice  of  Washington — Copyright,  1891 93 

Photograph  taken  at  Ford's  Theater  in  Washington,  after  assassination  on  night  of  April  14, 
1865 — Original  negative  by  Alexander  Gardner — Now  deposited  in  the  Original  Brady 
Collection  of  seven  thousand  negatives,  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 97 

Photograph  of  President  Lincoln's  box  in  Ford's  Theater  as  it  appeared  on  night  of  tragedy     97 
Photograph  of  chair  in  which  President  Lincoln  was  sitting  when  shot  by  John  Wilkes  Booth     97 

Photograph  of  house  in  which  President  Lincoln  died  on  Saturday  morning,  April  15,  1865 — 
Photograph  taken  of  building  opposite  Ford's  Theater  in  which  Lincoln  spent  last  hours — 
The  house  is  now  the  famous  Lincoln  Museum  established  by  Mr.  Osborn  H.  Oldroyd  at 
Washington,  D.  C. — Print  in  possession  of  Mr.  L.  C.  Handy  of  Washington 99 

Photograph  of  John  Wilkes  Booth,  actor,  who  shot  Lincoln  at  Ford's  Theater,  Friday  night, 

April  14,   1865 101 

Photograph  of  Sergeant  Boston  Corbett,  16th  New  York  Cavalry,  who  fired  shot  that  killed 
fugitive  Booth  in  a  barn  in  Virginia,  at  3.15  a.  m.,  April  26,  1865 — Negatives  in  Original 
Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 101 

Photographs  of  conspirators  hanged  for  assassination  of  Lincoln — Original  Secret  Service  nega 
tives  in  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 102 

Photograph  of  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt,  an  unfortunate  widow  and  mother,  whose  home  unwit 
tingly  became  the  center  of  the  conspiracy 102 

Photograph  of  George  Atzerodt,  carriage  painter,  who,  it  was  charged,  was  delegated  to  assas 
sinate  Vice- President  Johnson 102 

Photograph  of  Davey  Herold,  boy  who  aided  Booth  to  escape,  and  left  his  mother  and  seven 

sisters  heartbroken 102 

Photograph  of  Lewis  Payne  (Powell),  a  Florida  boy,  in  double  irons.  He  attempted  to  assas 
sinate  Seward  at  his  home 102 

Photographs   of   accessories   imprisoned   for   assassination  of  Lincoln — Original  Secret  Service 

negatives  in  the  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 103 

Photograph  of  Michael  O'Laughlin,  sentenced  for  life  and  died  during  imprisonment;  his  remains 

were  sent  to  his  mother 103 

Photograph  of  Samuel  Arnold,  clerk  in  sutler's  store,  sentenced  for  life  and  pardoned  after  serv 
ing  four  years 103 

Photograph  of  Edward  Spangler,  scene  shifter,  sentenced  to  six  years;  pardoned  in  four  years, 

and  died  eighteen  months  later 103 

Photograph  of  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  physician,  who,  for  harboring  Booth,  was  sentenced  for 

life ;  pardoned  after  four  years 103 

159 


Famous  Portraits  of  Abraham  Lincoln 


Page 

Photograph  of  prison  where  conspirators  were  confined — Negative  taken  at  old  penitentiary 
building  on  arsenal  grounds  at  Washington,  where  accused  were  imprisoned  in  cells  and 
heavily  chained  and  manacled — Original  negative  in  Brady-Gardner  Collection  deposited 

in  Springfield,   Massachusetts 104 

Photograph  of  Military  Court  that  tried  Lincoln  conspirators — Negative  taken  when  com 
mission  began  to  take  testimony  on  May  12,  1865 — Lieutenant-General  Grant,  whose  life 
was  also  in  conspiracy,  was  first  witness — Print  in  collection  of  Americana  of  Mr.  Fred 
erick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York .  104 

Photograph  of  gallows  in  prison  yard  where  conspirators  were  hanged — Negative  taken  on 
afternoon  of  July  7,  1865,  when  ropes  were  being  noosed  about  conspirators — Original 
negative  by  Alexander  Gardner,  government  photographer,  now  in  Brady-Gardner  Col 
lection  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts 105 

Photograph  of  execution  of  convicted  prisoners  in  Lincoln  assassination — This  remarkable 
negative  is  silent  witness  of  end  of  one  of  the  world's  greatest  tragedies — Taken  by  Alex 
ander  Gardner  while  those  who  paid  penalty  were  hanging  on  gallows — Negative  in 
Springfield,  Massachusetts 105 

Photograph  of  funeral  procession  of  Lincoln  passing  through  streets  of  Washington  at  begin 
ning  of  sixteen  hundred  mile  journey  to  his  old  home  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  en  April 
21,  1865 — Negative  by  Gardner 107 

Photograph  of  bier  on  which  President  Lincoln  rested  in  state  while  men,  women,  and  children 
wept  over  their  lost  leader  on  his  funeral  day  on  April  19,  1865,  when  twenty-five  million 
people  throughout  country  bowed  their  heads  in  tribute — Original  negatives  by  Alexander 
Gardner  now  deposited  in  Brady-Gardner  Collection  at  Springfield,  Massachusetts 107 

Photograph  of  funeral  catafalque  of  Lincoln  passing  through  Philadelphia 108 

Photograph  while  Lincoln's  body  was  lying  in  state  before  great  throngs  at  City  Hall  in  New 

York 108 

Photograph  of  the  funeral  car  bearing  the  dead  Lincoln  back  to  Springfield,  Illinois — Prints 

from  the  collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York 108 

Photograph  taken  while  laying  Lincoln  in  his  tomb  in  beautiful  Oak  Ridge  Cemetery  in  Spring 
field,  Illinois,  on  May  4,  1865 109 

Photograph  of  tomb  of  Lincoln  where  Lincoln's  body  was  left  with  a  soldier's  guard  by  a 

mourning  nation — Prints  from  the  collection  of  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve  of  New  York.  .  109 

Photograph  of  national  memorial  at  Lincoln's  burial  place  in  his  old  home  city  of  Springfield, 
Illinois — Massive  marble  column  rising  above  the  catacomb  and  memorial  hall  proclaims 
the  simple  greatness  of  the  man  whom  the  whole  world  loves — Photograph  taken  shortly 
after  its  erection,  in  1874,  showing  the  original  tomb  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  where  Lincoln 
lay  for  nine  years — Print  in  collection  of  Americana  owned  by  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Meserve 
of  New  York .110 


This  collection  includes  all  the  original  photographs  of  Abraham  Lincoln  that  are  known 
to  be  in  existence.  In  many  instances  the  original  negatives  have  been  destroyed  and  prints  are 
in  possession  of  several  collectors.  It  has  been  the  desire  of  this  handbook  to  give  the  credit  to 
the  owner  of  the  original  negative  whenever  it  is  known  to  be  in  existence.  Otherwise  the  credit 
is  given  to  the  collection  from  which  the  print  used  in  this  volume  is  taken.  During  the  exhaus 
tive  investigations  necessary  in  making  this  collection  it  was  found  that  various  coyprights  on  the 
same  print  are  held  by  several  collectors,  while  the  holder  of  the  original  negative  seems  to  be 
unprotected.  While  there  has  been  considerable  democracy  in  copyright  protections,  it  is  not 
probable  that  the  collector  holding  merely  a  print  has  an  equitable  right  to  control  another  man's 
property.  This  condition  is  probably  partially  due  to  the  kinship  which  Abraham  Lincoln  holds 
to  the  American  people — a  kinship  which  has  made  his  portraits  a  common  heritage  of  the  genera 
tions.  The  actual  property  right  is  undoubtedly  with  the  owner  of  the  original  negative.  It  has 
been  the  desire  of  the  investigator,  however,  to  fully  respect  the  claims  of  the  various  collectors 
and  to  give  them  full  credit  for  the  courtesy  that  they  have  extended  without  entering  into  their 
conflicting  claims. 


160 


Hundred  Greatest  Books  on  Abraham  Lincoln 

Abraham  Lincoln,  A  History — By  his  secretaries,  John  C.  Nicolay  and  John  Hay — A  monumental 
work  in  ten  volumes,  portraying  the  life  of  a  man  and  the  history  of  the  times  from  intimate 
association. 

History  and  Personal  Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  his  law  partner,  William  H.  Herndon, 
assisted  by  Jesse  William  Weik— A  true  story  of  a  great  life  by  one  who  was  with  him  when 
he  rose  from  obscurity — Recorded  in  two  volumes. 

Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln— By  Ida  Minerva  Tar  bell — Testimony  of  many  witnesses  who  knew  Lincoln 
in  his  early  life,  with  reminiscences  by  his  friends,  including  many  exhibits  of  rare  documents, 
speeches,  letters  and  telegrams — Recorded  in  two  volumes. 

The  Everyday  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Francis  F.  Browne — Lincoln's  life  and  character  por 
trayed  by  those  who  knew  him ;  the  friends,  neighbors  and  associates  during  his  whole  career — 
Estimates  and  impressions  of  distinguished  men,  with  reminiscences,  incidents,  and  tributes 
from  universal  sources. 

The  True  Abraham  Lincoln — By  William  Eleroy  Curtis — Entertaining  and  graphic  pictures  of 
Lincoln  from  men  who  knew  him — The  simple  story  of  a  common  man. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  The  Man  of  the  People — By  Norman  Hapgood — Story  of  a  man  who  became  the 
leader  of  the  plain  people — A  virile  expression  of  the  character  of  Lincoln  and  qualities  that 
made  him  the  greatest  man  of  his  times  and  yet  the  simplest  and  most  humble. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  The  Boy  and  the  Man — By  James  Morgan — A  dramatic  story  of  the  struggles 
and  troubles  of  the  common  man;  how  he  solved  great  problems  by  the  plain  reasoning  of 
common  sense  and  wrought  great  deeds  by  the  exercise  of  the  common  qualities  of  honesty 
and  courage,  patience,  justice  and  conscience. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  American  Statesman — By  John  Torrey  Morse — An  able  and  critical  study  of 
Lincoln  and  his  work — An  estimate  of  his  statesmanship  and  political  greatness,  in  two  volumes. 

The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Isaac  Newton  Arnold — An  entertaining  narrative  by  the  lawyer 
Who  was  associated  with  Lincoln  at  the  bar  of  Illinois  and  as  a  member  of  Congress  in  war 
time — The  same  author  wrote  The  History  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Overthrow  of  Slavery, 
immediately  after  Lincoln's  death,  in  1866. 

The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln  from  His  Birth  to  His  Inauguration  as  President — By  Ward  Hill 
Lamon — Personal  recollections  of  Lincoln's  law  partner  at  Springfield,  who,  after  Lincoln's 
election  as  President,  became  his  private  secretary  and  later  his  marshal — His  recollections 
have  also  been  edited  by  his  daughter,  Dorothy  Lamon. 

The  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Sixteenth  President  of  the  United  States — By 
Henry  Jarvis  Raymond,  who  himself  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  politics  of  the  times — 
This  is  one  of  the  first  biographies  of  Lincoln  and  appeared  in  1864-5,  given  with  state  papers, 
speeches,  messages,  letters,  and  intimate  descriptions  of  the  closing  scenes  connected  with 
his  life  and  death. 

The  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Joseph  Gilbert  Holland,  one  of  the  journalists  who  knew  Lincoln 
intimately  and  was  one  of  the  first  to  write  his  biography  in  1865-6 — He  was  a  Northerner 
who  had  lived  in  the  South  and  knew  the  estimate  of  the  man — His  simple  story  is  still  one  of 
just  and  honest  judgment. 

Six  Months  at  the  White  House  with  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Francis  B.  Carpenter,  an  artist  who 
painted  one  of  the  famous  portraits  of  Lincoln  and  lived  with  him  during  the  most  critical 
days  of  the  American  Crisis,  portraying  the  inner  life  at  the  White  House — This  is  an  intimate 
story  written  in  1866. 

Life  on  the  Circuit  with  Lincoln — By  Henry  Clay  Whitney,  a  fellow  circuit  rider  who  knew  the 
simple  manhood  of  Lincoln  as  the  country  lawyer — A  characterized  portrayal  of  Lincoln  in 
his  most  picturesque  background. 

Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Lucius  Eugene  Chittenden,  an  official  in  Lincoln's  admin 
istration  who  gives  his  personal  reminiscences  and  experiences  with  the  President  during  the 
war — Entertaining  memories  of  one  who  was  close  to  Lincoln  in  Washington. 

Lincoln,  Master  of  Men — By  Alonzo  Rothschild — A  study  of  the  character  of  Lincoln  and  his  anility 
as  a  leader — A  brilliant  estimate  of  his  power,  original  in  its  treatment  and  executed  with  skill. 

Personal  Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Civil  War — By  James  Roberts  Gilmore — En 
tertaining  glimpses  into  the  personal  characteristics  of  Lincoln  with  memoirs  and  anecdotes 
of  personal  relations  with  him  during  the  dark  days  of  the  Civil  War. 

Washington  in  Lincoln's  Time — By  Noah  Brooks,  a  trusted  friend  of  Lincoln  who  was  associated 
with  the  man  and  the  events  during  the  American  Crisis — His  books  also  include  a  biography 
of  Lincoln  for  young  people;  a  narrative  of  the  worth  and  early  manhood  of  Lincoln;  and  his 
connection  with  the  downfall  of  slavery. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  An  Essay — By  Carl  Schurz,  who  was  appointed  minister  to  Spain  by  President 
Lincoln  and  later  became  a  member  of  President  Hayes'  cabinet — A  luminous  appreciation, 
given  with  testimonies  by  Emerson,  Whittier,  Holmes  and  Lowell. 

Complete  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Twelve  volumes  containing  several  authentic  lines  known 
to  be  in  existence  from  the  speeches  and  writings  of  Lincoln,  including  his  letters,  state  papers, 
and  messages — With  exhaustive  Lincoln  biography  by  Daniel  Fish. 

161 


Hundred  Greatest  Books  on  Abraham  Lincoln 

Abraham  Lincoln's  Pen  and  Voice — Compiled  by  G.  M.  Van  Buren — A  complete  compilation  of  his 

letters,  civil,  political,  and  military;  also  his  public  addresses,  messages  to  Congress,  inaugurals 

and  others. 
Abraham  Lincoln's  Speeches  Complete — Edited  by  J.  B.  McClure — From  his  first  address  in  Papps- 

ville,   Illinois,   1832,  to  his  last  address  in  Washington,  April  11,   1865. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  Stories  and  Speeches — Edited  by  J.  B.  McClure. 
Lincoln's    Early    Speeches — Edited    by    Bliss    Perry — Springfield    speech — Cooper    Union    speech — 

Inaugural  addresses — Gettysburg  address — Selected  letters — Lincoln's  last  speech. 
Lincoln;   Passages  from    His  Speeches  and  Letters — With  an  introduction  by  R.   W.   Gilder. 
The  Table  Talk  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Edited  by  W.  O.  Stoddard. 

Words  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Selected,  arranged  and  annotated  by  I.  Thomas — For  use  in  schools. 
Words  of  Lincoln — Compiled  by  O.  H.  Oldrpyd — With  an  introduction  by  M.  W.  Fuller  and  T.  S. 

Hamlin — Including  several  hundred  opinions  of  his  life  and  character  by  eminent  persons  of 

this  and  other  lands. 
Political  Debates  Between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas — In  the  celebrated  campaign 

of  1858  in  Illinois;  including  the  preceding  speeches  of  each  at  Chicago,  and  Springfield. 
Political  Speeches  and  Debates  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.   Douglas,   1854-1861 — Edited 

by  Alonzo  T.  Jones. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  The  Backwoods  Boy — By  Horatio  Alger,  Jr. — Story  of  how  a  Young  Railsplitter 

became  President — Boyhood  and  Manhood  Series  of  Illustrious  Americans. 
Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Joseph  H.  Barrett — With  a  condensed  view  of  his  most  important 

speeches,  his  messages,  proclamations,  letters,  and  a  concise  history  of  the  war. 
The    Life  and   Public    Services  of  Honorable  Abraham  Lincoln — By    Davis    Vandewater    Golden 

Bartlett. 

The  True  Story  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  American,   Told  for  Boys  and  Girls — Children's  Lives  of 

Great  Men — By  Elbridge  Streeter  Brooks. 
In  the  Boyhood  of  Lincoln — By  Hezekiah  Butterworth. 
Abraham  Lincoln — By  Charles  Carleton  Coffin. 
Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Sixteenth  President  of  the    United  States — By  Frank  Crosby — Containing 

his  early  history  and  political  career;  together  with  his  speeches,  messages,  proclamations  and 

other  official  documents. 
Greeley  on  Lincoln — Edited  by  Joel  Benton — With  Mr.  Greeley's  letter  to  Charles  A.  Dana  and 

a  lady  friend — Added  reminiscences  of  Horace  Greeley. 
Abraham  Lincoln:   His  Life  and  Public  Services — Narrative  by  a  woman  in  1865 — By  Phebe  Ann 

Coffin  Hanaford. 
Assassination  of  Lincoln — By  Thomas  Mealey  Harris — A  history  of  the  great  conspiracy — Trial  of 

the  conspirators  by  a  military  commission  and  a  review  of  the  trial  of  John  H.  Surratt. 
Nancy   Hanks — By  Caroline  Hanks  Hitchcock — The  story  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  mother,  Nancy 

Hanks. 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  the   United   States — By  Charles  Godfrey  Leland. 

Abraham" Lincoln  and  Men  of  War- Times — By  Alexander  Kelly  McClure — Some  personal  recollec 
tions  of  war  and  politics  during  the  Lincoln  administration. 

Anecdotes  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Lincoln' s  Stories — By  James  B.  McClure. 

Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Clifton  M.  Nichols — Being  a  biography  of  Lincoln's  life  from  his  birth 
to  his  assassination;  also  a  record  of  his  ancestors,  and  a  collection  of  anecdotes  attributed 
to  Lincoln. 

The  Assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Osborn  Hamiline  Oldroyd — Flight,  pursuit,  capture, 
and  punishment  of  the  conspirators,  with  an  introduction  by  T.  M.  Harris. 

The  Lincoln  Memorial;  Album-Immortelles — Collected  and  edited  by  O.  H.  Oldroyd — Original  life- 
pictures,  with  autographs,  from  the  hands  and  hearts  of  eminent  Americans  and  Europeans, 
contemporaries  of  the  great  martyr  to  liberty,  Abraham  Lincoln;  together  with  extracts  from 
his  speeches  and  sayings — With  an  introduction  by  M.  Simpson,  D.  D.,  and  a  sketch  of  the 
patriot's  life  by  I.  N.  Arnold. 

Abraham  Lincoln — By  John  Carroll  Power — His  life,  public  services,  death  and  great  funeral 
cortege,  from  Washington  to  Springfield,  Illinois — With  history  and  description  of  the  national 
Lincoln  monument — History  of  the  attempt  to  steal  the  body  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Including 
a  history  of  the  Lincoln  guard  of  honor,  with  eight  years  Lincoln  memorial  services. 

Lincoln  in  Story — By  Silas  Gamaliel  Pratt — The  life  of  the  Martyr- President  told  in  authenticated 
anecdotes. 

The  Children's  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  M.  Louise  Putnam. 

Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  By  Distinguished  Men  of  His  Times — By  Allen  Thorndike 
Rice — Contains  articles  by  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  George  W.  Julian,  R.  E. 
Fenton,  J.  P.  Usher,  George  S.  Boutwell,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  Charles  C.  Coffin,  Frederick 
Douglass,  Lawrence  Weldon,  Benjamin  P.  Poore,  Titian  J.  Coffey,  Henry  Ward  Beecher, 
William  D.  Kelley,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  A.  H.  Markland,  Schuyler  Colfax, 

162 


Hundred  Greatest  Books  on  Abraham  Lincoln 

Daniel  W.  Voorhees,  Charles  A.  Dana,  John  A.  Kasson,  James  B.  Fry,  Hugh  McCulloch. 
Chauncey  M.  Depew,  David  R.  Locke,  Leonard  Swett,  Walt  Whitman,  Donn  Piatt,  E.  W- 
Andrews,  James  C.  Welling,  John  Conness,  John  B.  Alley,  and  Thomas  Hicks. 

The  First  Published  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  John  Locke  Scripps — Written  in  the  year  1860; 
reprinted  in  the  year  1900,  by  the  Cranbrook  Press. 

The  Life,  Stories,  and  Speeches  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Paul  Selby — A  compilation  of  Lincoln's 
most  remarkable  utterances,  with  a  sketch  of  his  life. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  A  Character  Sketch — By  Robert  Dickinson  Sheppard — With  anecdotes,  character 
istics  and  chronology. 

Abraham  Lincoln:  The  True  Story  of  a  Great  Life — By  William  Osborn  Stoddard — Showing  the 
inner  growth,  special  training  and  peculiar  fitness  of  the  man  for  his  work — Also  Inside  the 
White  House  in  War-Times,  and  Lincoln  at  Work;  Sketches  from  Life. 

Pioneer  Home  to  the  White  House — By  William  Makepeace  Thayer — Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln — 
With  Eulogy  by  Honorable  George  Bancroft — The  Pioneer  boy,  and  how  he  became  President. 

Abraham  Lincoln,   The  First  American — By  David  D.  Thompson. 

Tributes  to  the  Memory  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Reproduction  in  facsimile  of  eighty-seven  memorials 
addressed  by  foreign  municipalities  and  societies  to  the  government  of  the  United  States — 
Prepared  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  State  at  Washington. 

The  Assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln;  late  President  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  the 
attempted  assassination  of  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  and  Frederick  W.  Seward, 
Assistant  Secretary,  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  of  April,  1865 — Expression  of  condolence  and 
sympathy  inspired  by  these  events — Washington;  Government  Printing  Office,  1867. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  Tributes  from  His  Associates — Reminiscences  of  soldiers,  statesmen  and  citizens — 
By  William  Hayes  Ward. 

Complete  Works  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Edited  by  John  G.  Nicolay  and  John  Hay;  with  a  general 
introduction  by  Richard  Watson  Gilder,  and  special  articles  by  other  eminent  persons. 

Writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln — Edited  by  Arthur  Brooks  Lapsley,  with  an  introduction  by  Theodore 
Roosevelt;  together  with  The  Essay  on  Lincoln,  by  Carl  Schurz;  The  Address  on  Lincoln, 
by  Joseph  H.  Choate,  and  The  Life  of  Lincoln,  by  Noah  Brooks. 

The  Lincoln  and  Douglas  Debates — The  senatorial  campaign  of  1858  in  Illinois,  between  Abraham 
Lincoln  and  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas;  containing  also  Lincoln's  address  at  Cooper  Institute, 
with  introduction  and  notes  by  Archibald  Lewis  Bouton. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  a  True  Life — By  James  Baldwin. 

The  Lincoln  Legion,  the  Story  of  Its  Founder  and  Forerunners — By  Louis  Albert  Banks. 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  His  Presidency — By  Joseph  Hartwell  Barrett. 

The  Genesis  of  Lincoln — By  James  H.  Cathey — Truth  is  stranger  than  fiction. 

Abraham  Lincoln,   The  Liberator:  A  Biographical  Sketch — By  Charles  Wallace  French. 

The  Story  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Mrs.  Eleanor  Gridley — The  journey  from  the  log  cabin  to  the 
White  House. 

"Abe"  Lincoln's  Yarns  and  Stories — By  Alexander  Kelly  McClure — A  complete  collection  of  the 
funny  and  witty  anecdotes  that  made  Lincoln  famous  as  America's  greatest  story  teller;  with 
introduction  and  anecdotes — The  story  of  Lincoln's  life  told  by  himself  in  his  stories. 

The  Real  Lincoln — By  Charles  Landon  Carter  Minor — From  the  testimony  of  Lincoln's  contem 
poraries. 

Abraham  Lincoln — By  Ellis  Paxson  Oberholtzer — American  Crisis  Biographies. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  A  Character  Sketch — By  Robert  Dickinson  Sheppard — With  Supplementary 
Essay — By  G.  Mercer  Adam — Also  Suggestions  from  the  Life  of  Lincoln — By  Prof.  Francis 
W.  Shepardson — The  Early  Years  of  Abraham  Lincoln — By  Prof.  Goldwin  Smith  .  .  .  together 
with  anecdotes,  characteristics,  and.  chronology. 

The  Boy  Lincoln — By  William  Osborn  Stoddard. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Pioneer  Boy,  and  How  He  Became  President — The  story  of  his  life — By 
William  Makepeace  Thayer. 

A  List  of  Lincolniana  in  the  Library  of  Congress — By  G.  T.  Ritchie — Writings  of  Abraham  Lincoln — 
Writings  relating  to  Abraham  Lincoln — Washington;  Government  Printing  Office,  1903. 

Lincoln  and  the  Freedmen — By  J.  Grant  Eaton,  in  collaboration  with  Ethel  Osgood  Mason — Remi 
niscences  of  the  Civil  War,  with  special  reference  to  the  work  for  the  contrabands  and  freedmen 
of  the  Mississippi  Valley. 

History  of  the  Administration  of  President  Lincoln — By  H.  J.  Raymond — Including  Lincoln's 
speeches,  letters,  proclamations  and  messages — With  preliminary  sketch  of  his  life. 

The  Life  of  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Mudd — By  N.  Mudd — Containing  Dr.  Mudd's  letters  from  Fort  Jeffer 
son,  Dry  Tortugas  Island,  where  he  was  imprisoned  four  years  for  alleged  complicity  in  the 
assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  with  statements  of  Mrs.  Samuel  A.  Mudd,  Dr.  Samuel  A. 
Mudd,  and  Edward  Spangler  regarding  the  assassination  and  the  argument  of  General  Ewing 
on  the  question  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  military  commission,  and  on  the  law  and  facts  of  the 
case;  also  the  "diary"  of  John  Wilkes  Booth. 

163 


Hundred  Greatest  Books  on  Abraham  Lincoln 

Lincoln  in  the  Telegraph  Office — By  D.  H.  Bates — Recollections  of  the  United  States  military  tele 
graph  corps  during  the  Civil  War. 

Lincoln  the  Lawyer — By  F.  T.  Hill. 

The  Story-Life  of  Lincoln — By  Wayne  Whipple — A  biography  composed  of  five  hundred  true  stories 
told  by  Abraham  Lincoln  and  his  friends,  selected  from  all  authentic  sources. 

The  Memory  of  Lincoln — Poems  selected,  with  an  introduction  by  M.  A.  DeW.  Howe,  Boston,  1899. 

The  Lincoln  Album;  life  of  the  preserver  of  the  Union,  the  liberator  of  a  people,  and  the  first  Ameri 
can — Told  by  authentic  picture — Facsimile,  letters,  speeches,  quotations,  genealogy,  and  a 
chronological  table  giving  the  principal  events  of  his  career,  with  the  dates  of  their  occurrence. 

The  Lincoln  Centennial  Medal,  presenting  the  medal  of  Abraham  Lincoln  by  Jules  Edouard  Roine, 
together  with  papers  on  the  medal. 

Abraham  Lincoln — By  George  Haven  Putnam,  Litt.  D. — The  People's  leader  in  the  struggle  for 
national  existence. 

The  Death  of  Lincoln — By  Clara  E.  Laughlin — The  story  of  Booth's  plot,  his  deed  and  the  penalty. 

The  Assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Its  Expiation — By  David  Miller  Dewitt. 


O  Captain  !   My  Captain  ! 

O  Captain!  my  Captain!  our  fearful  trip  is  done, 
The  ship  has  weather'd  every  rack,  the  prize  we  sought  is  won, 
The  port  is  near,  the  bells  I  hear,  the  people  all  exulting, 
While  follow  eyes  the  steady  keel,  the  vessel  grim  and  daring; 
But  O  heart!  heart!  heart! 
O  the  bleeding  drops  of  red, 

Where  on  the  deck  my  Captain  lies, 
Fallen  cold  and  dead. 

O  Captain!  my  Captain!  rise  up  and  hear  the  bells; 
Rise  up — for  you  the  flag  is  flung — for  you  the  bugle  trills, 
For  you  bouquets  and  ribbon'd  wreaths — for  you  the  shores  a-crowding, 
For  you  they  call,  the  swaying  mass,  their  eager  faces  turning; 
Here  Captain!  dear  father! 
This  arm  beneath  your  head! 

It  is  some  dream  that  on  the  deck, 
You've  fallen  cold  and  dead. 

My  Captain  does  not  answer,  his  lips  are  pale  and  still, 
My  father  does  not  feel  my  arm,  he  has  no  pulse  nor  will, 
The  ship  is  anchor'd  safe  and  sound,  its  voyage  closed  and  done, 
From  fearful  trip  the  victor  ship  comes  in  with  object  won; 
Exult  O  shores,  and  ring  O  bells! 
But  I  with  mournful  tread, 

Walk  the  deck  my  Captain  lies, 
Fallen  cold  and  dead. 

—Walt  Whitman. 


164 


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